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Classic
a good book

Gran ayuda de diseño para suelos blandos
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Finally a good book about this issue

Corruption Training
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Scholarly and balanced, yet readable
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Finngleton has the Facts Right, but...de-regulation and the new economy are the keys to American prosperity, and by extension to world prosperity.
Globalist dogma, especially as propagated in simplified form by Tom Friedman (The Lexus and the Olive Tree) has won widespread acceptance by nearly all political parties and media outlets in America and Britain. This is rather alarming, for as Fingleton notes, there is substatial evidence that the New-Economy-fueled prosperity of the late 90s was a fluke, never to be repeated. Yet while our balance of trade deteriorates, our manufacturing base shrinks, high-wage employment plummets and our foreign creditors get scared, the false prophets of globlization continue to preach the same old gospel.
The fundamental problem-and I am sure Mr. Fingleton understands this-is that reform will only become possible once the mainstream media and both the Republican and Democratic parties stop accepting faulty dogma. I mention this because Fingleton brings up Ralph Nader and Pat Buchanan towards the end of his book, noting that they too have challenged the conventional wisdom on trade policy and manufacturing.
I think that this is a very serious mistake.
Nader and Buchanan may be right about certain issues-corporate compensation and trade policy, for instance...But there few people in the world who are more widely reviled by the Democratic and Republican party establishments, for obvious reasons. They are also unpopular in the mainstream press, which considers both of them as dangerous, wild-eyed radicals. And, last but not least, Naderites tend to hate Buchananites-and vice versa! So bringing up Nader (prominently on the cover) and Buchanan may boost sales, but it is also the surest way of alienating the wider public and the 'power elite' of the press and politics.
Still, issues of presentation and public relations aside,
Mr. Fingleton deserves immense credit for his well-reasoned and convincing arguments, no less than for being the first to sound the alarm bells. There is recent evidence that influential people as starting to pay attention to the disastrous effects of US trade policy (Warren Buffett writes an article in the Nov. 10th issue of Fortune magazine, calling for trade restrictions to limit the growing US trade deficit). Hopefully, a wider range of influential figures will be ready to listen to Mr. Fingelton's recommendations, and act on them, before it is too late.
An urgent wake-up call to Americaforever and how this country is increasingly dependent on oceans of foreign capital.
It's difficult for me to fathom how any clear-minded thinking adult can read this masterpiece and not be deepy worried about the future of America.

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Fingleton argues that American business is sacrificing its once valuable manufacturing base in favor of the new economy, or postindustrialism--an umbrella under which he includes the service, software, information, and entertainment industries, among others. While he writes that he does not seek to dismiss the merits of postindustrialism--although he calls the financial-services industry a "cuckoo in the economy's nest"--Fingleton finds fault with the new economy in three areas: the mix of jobs it produces, its slow income growth, and the fact that postindustrial activities don't export very well. At the same time, he believes that modern manufacturing has become wrongly associated with low-wage or stagnant economies--Japan, in particular, which, he argues, is not the basket case that many believe it to be. At the heart of Fingleton's argument is the idea that postindustrial activities are relatively easy to pursue compared to manufacturing, which requires much more capital and know-how but offers far more upside in the long run. His prescription for revitalizing manufacturing includes boosting savings, directing much of it into industrial investment, and instituting a trade policy designed to allow manufacturing to thrive in the United States.
While Fingleton's dour assessment of the new economy seems overdone, his basic argument about the relative worth of manufacturing is well articulated. In Praise of Hard Industries is a good contrarian read for policymakers, managers, and anyone interested in a different view of both the U.S. and Japanese economies. --Harry C. Edwards

A shrewd analysis of the so-called 'New Economy'.Tokyo based author Eamonn Fingleton has written a shrewd analysis of the so-called 'New Economy' which ought to stimulate a good deal of much needed controversy.
Using a series of well researched case studies, Fingleton effectively debunks many of the cherished beliefs held by 'Post-industrialists' who promote the advantages of services over manufacturing. In particular, he casts a sceptical eye over the much vaunted 'renaissance' of American industry during the past decade. Unlike so many others, Fingleton goes under the surface to show just how unstable the current American economic boom really is.
This book should be on the reading list of anyone concerned about the direction not only of the North American but some European economies as well.
Convincing argument for industryFingleton observes that post-industrialists have 'a childlike faith in the efficacy of free markets', noting, "The basic error in the laissez-faire model is that it greatly overemphasizes the interests of capital over those of labor."
He argues that we cannot rely on financial services to rebuild our economies. He points out that basing the US economy on 'information industries', as post-industrialists have recommended, would cost 25 million jobs. Post-industrial services' start-up costs are low - but so are real gains. (IBM, then Microsoft, made exceptional gains only because they monopolised setting the standards for computer operating systems.) US financial trading grew thirty times over between 1970 and 1995, while American workers' real living standards actually fell in that period. Fingleton calls finance 'a cuckoo in the economy's nest': even George Soros called on governments to regulate capital markets to 'stop the market destroying the economy'.
In Britain, we need a manufacturing renaissance. We need a national strategy for becoming self-reliant in our most important manufacturing needs. First, we have to channel savings into industrial investment and into educating more people in the most advanced skills. Second, we must retain those skills and production bases that we still have, because modern manufacturing industries need large amounts of production experience and capital. We should protect our home market, to give new industries time to grow. Third, we need to be able to produce the means of production: machine tools, production machines that make hi-tech components and electronic materials, equipment for the engineering, telecommunications, textile, chemical and power-generating industries. And fourth, we need to produce the goods that people need, particularly textiles (especially polyesters and carbon fibres), pollution control equipment, shipping (the world's fleet has more than doubled since 1970), and high quality steel.
Excellent! Mr. Fingleton is a sharp man.It must have been terrible for the managers and employees of these wonderful companies to come to work each day. They probably thought they were dinosaurs in the dot com world.
Mr. Fingleton was praising these salt-of-the-earth firms when others had written them off. After the dot com bubble started bursting, these great firms had tremendous returns.
Mr. Fingleton was way ahead of the curve when he wrote this book and was a bright light in a dot com mania wilderness.

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Can capitalism be fixed?
A challenge to contemporary laissez faire economistsThe author has written an unique and insightful economic history of the post-WW II world, tracing many contemporary problems back to their root causes and exposing official explanations as propaganda. For example, the privatization of state assets has been aggressively promoted principally because they provide new homes for investment dollars -- not necessarilly because the private sector can more efficiently run these enterprises (which in fact they often can not).
Shutt suggests that the industrial economies have created an untenable situation for themselves. Public debt has been increased in order to prop up asset values (witness the Savings and Loan bank bail-out in the U.S. and other corporate welfare policies), making it difficult for governments to invest in either their own infrastructures or third world governments. This means that the world economy can not grow at a fast enough pace to satisfy the needs of private capital. Eventually, the oversupply of capital will lead to a crash in asset values.
Events that have occurred after the book's publication suggest that the author was on the mark. The Internet stock investment mania and its subsequent collapse illustrates how desperately capital latches onto any opportunity that might promise above-average profits, however risky it may actually be.
Shutt finishes the book with an outline of what the world might look like following a crash of the present system. The author suggests that an institution such as the European Union (or more precisely, an expanded and modified version of the E.U.) could be used to manage a more just and equitable system: namely one that balances the needs of labor, environment and capital, with primacy given to local, sustainable business enterprises that are fully accountable to the public.
This is a highly readable and stimulating book. Anyone with an interest in contemporary political economy should enjoy it.


manufacturing goal in SMEs

Well researched and insightful analysis.
That being said, this is a book full of useful information and striking estimates. I know of no better place to get a genuine feel for the economic history of the last millennia, but particularly the last two centuries. There is something to startle or surprise anyone within these pages. A necessary edition to the library of anyone seriously interested in history.