Governments

Churchill probably ranks as one of the most enigmatic world leaders of the century: bordering on manic-depressive, at once reckless and calculating, egotistical and completely convinced of his own place in history, Churchill seems to defy definitive analysis. But William Manchester makes the best attempt yet. His biography is readable and entertaining as well as profound in its analysis. He brings a wide range of tools, deftly handled, to the work: psychology, history, political and military sciences, and sensitive cultural understanding. With refreshing penetration, he re-examines critical successes and failures, such as the Dardanelles, the invasion of Norway, and the evacuation from Dunkirk. Manchester writes with critical compassion, and rarely excuses Winston's faults without providing evidence. The prose is, if mildly archaic like Winston's own, heroic and rolling. It is a book that will be greatly enjoyed by those who love William Shirer's "Rise and Fall of the Third Reich" and similar historical works which challenge a wide range of intellectual faculties

William Manchester (1922 - ), one of the GI generation's finest writers, has written about everything from the Kennedys to acid-tongued reporter H.L. Mencken. But in this book he presents his greatest work - a superb biography about one of the twentieth century's greatest heroes - Sir Winston Churchill. This volume, which includes the first fifty years of Churchill's crowded life, is written with a Victorian style and passion for adventure that Churchill himself would have admired. (What other biography uses the word "Array", instead of "Table of Contents", to list the chapter headings)? Churchill's life does read like something out of a Hollywood script - he was the scion of one of England's most prominent families - his father was a member of Parliament and could have become Prime Minister, had he not developed syphillis, which eventually drove him mad and killed him at an early age. He was often cruel to his son Winston, harshly criticizing even his smallest mistakes. His beautiful American-born mother had extramarital affairs with many handsome men, including the King of England. Largely ignored by his wealthy and famous parents, Churchill was a "problem child" in his youth, and was expelled from several boys' schools until he made a career in the British military. He fought in a number of small but bloody wars in Britian's colonies in Africa and India, and he often was in the thick of the fighting, recklessly exposing himself to bullets and cannon fire. In the Boer War in South Africa in the late 1890's he was captured by enemy forces and placed in a prisoner-of-war camp, but made a daring escape and returned safely to his own forces. Elected to Parliament at the age of 25, he quickly moved up the political ladder, even changing political parties when it suited him. By World War One he was the head of the British Navy, but here things began to go wrong. In 1915 he proposed to invade and conquer Turkey, a German ally, thus knocking it out of the war and allowing the Allied forces to attack Austria and Germany from the south. The plan was sound, but the invasion was so bungled by incompetent British generals and admirals that it was a total failure, and Churchill was forced to take the blame and resign in disgrace. He then spent some time as a military commander in the front lines in France, and in the 1920's enjoyed something of a political comeback as the Chancellor of the Exchequer (a position similar to our Secretary of the Treasury). However, his poor handling of Britain's economic woes led him to fall out of favor, and by the end of the book in 1932 Churchill is an outsider in Parliament, with little real power or influence. Yet this book is far more than a simple biography. True to form, Manchester offers an engrossing account of the Victorian era that Churchill grew up in - the glories of the British Empire, the racist "raj" system in British-ruled India (where white Englishmen were encouraged by hotel signs "not to beat their (Indian) servants" in the hotel lobby); the terrible conditions which Britain's poor lived under; and the peculiar social mores and customs of the British upper class to which Churchill so proudly belonged. Although Manchester clearly admires Churchill (and who couldn't, after reading this book), he isn't afraid to note that in many ways Churchill was a very flawed man, and must have been difficult to live with. An open snob, Churchill had all of the prejudices of his class - he treated his servants poorly, insulted his secretaries and others who couldn't keep up with him mentally or verbally, disliked strong women and wasn't above making chauvanistic remarks about them in public, and he had a huge ego and seemed to think that the rest of the world revolved around him and his needs. And, while he expressed sympathy for the lower classes, he regarded Britain's middle class with aristocratic disdain, this despite the fact that they paid most of the nation's bills and taxes. Yet his genius, as Manchester copiously notes, was genuine - his brilliant skills as a writer and orator, his political and personal courage, his genuine committment to personal freedom and liberty, all these and more made him one of the great historical leaders of all time. Quite simply, not only is this Mr. Manchester's finest work (out of many), but it reads more like great literature than a simple biography - "The Last Lion" is a larger-than-life book about a larger-than-life man. My only regret is that due to his recent stroke Mr. Manchester will not be able to complete this series - a real tragedy for anyone who loves great biography.

Manchester's work is extraordinary and a journey into the making of a great leader of the world that was the 20th century.

Churchill was a man of vision and he was molded in his early years. Manchester makes a case for his growth coming in the Boar War period.

There is a beginning of greatness. Manchester introduces us to the world that formed this great man.

"Back to Basics for the Republican Party" provides a detailed history of the Republican Party as well as a thorough explanation of Party politics in general. Interspersed within the text are delightful little gems of human interest such as, "It was when rung at a ceremony to mark the death of John Marshall in 1835 that the Liberty Bell cracked." (60)

Author Michael Zak's writing is very readable; it is both informative and entertaining for the lay as well as the professional audience. He has a straightforward style for presenting facts, yet he also writes with a passion that moves the reader to conviction; at times I felt as if I was actually there.

If you are a Republican, you should buy this book; it will make you proud of your Republican heritage. If you are a Democrat, you should also buy this book-you may find some surprises about your Party's history as well. As Mr. Zak so eloquently quotes in his text, "For you shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you free." (6)

Michael Zak's book, "Back to the Basics for the Republican Party," is at once a splendid history lesson of our nation and an illuminating dialogue of our political system. Mr. ZaK begins with the events and the ideas that gave rise to the Republican Party. He goes on to explain how the fundamental tenets of the party enabled the Republicans to save the Union, rid our country of slavery and lay the foundation for the modern American economy. Mr. Zak then discusses how the GOP strayed from its principles, allowing the Democratic Party to gain the advantage. Finally, the author provides, through his own incisive analysis, the framework by which the Republican Party can regain the moral and political high ground, and lead America to even greater accomplishments. Nonetheless, this book is neither a dry nor a pedantic study. It is a thoughtful, well-written, compelling and entertaining discourse in the realm of politics. Most importantly, "Back to the Basics for the Republican Party" is a clarion call for the GOP to return to its roots. I highly recommend this outstanding book.

Just as Ann Coulter destroyed the myth of Joseph McCarthy, Michael Zak finally sets the record straight on the roots of the Republican Party. Far too often today, the descendants of slavery see the Republican Party as a racist, exclusive club for whites. Hopefully many of them will see this book, and finally learn that it was Republicans who led the fight against slavery from its outset. It was Republicans who passed the 13th , 14th and 15th Amendments as well as the civil rights acts during and after Reconstruction. Zak does not hide the skeletons either. He points out Republican corruption and incompetence, but most importantly points out the tragic mistakes that virtually handed the Democrats almost the entire African American voting block in this country. Where we as a party go from here depends heavily on our understanding of history and the extent of determination to once again become the party of inclusiveness. This does not require compromising those principles that made us the Grand Old Party, and the guarantors of freedom. We have a long way to go, and are sometimes unsure of the right direction, but just maybe Michael Zak and his excellent book will help us recalibrate our compass.

Harry Browne continues his wonderful streak of books dedicated to liberty, libertarianism, and the free-market.

In his bid for the Presidency of the United States, he has been ignored by the mainstream media that caters to the pro-government Bush and Gore syndicate. In "The Great Libertarian Offer," Mr. Browne offers countless examples of the federal government's failure to keep promises and the resulting chaos of failed federal programs. After identifying the problems with government, he lists examples of tried free-market solutions that have brought prosperity and freedom to citizens worldwide.

Mr. Browne offers a logical and workable solution to problems that most politicians just ignore or sugar-coat. The great part about this book (and libertarianism) is the fact that this solution is very simple: get the federal government out of our lives.

While exploring this book, readers will pleasantly discover that Libertarian ideas mirror the ideas of our country's founders - ideas of liberty, privatization, and individual responsibility.

Like he did in 1994 with his book "Why Government Doesn't Work", Libertarian candidate for President Harry Browne outlines what he calls the Great Libertarian Offer and how we can achieve it. Browne shows the reader throughout the book how running to government to solve all of our problems ends up doing more harm than good. Browne puts forth a compelling case against big government and offers real and rational solutions to solve the majority of our problems.

Of Course you may not agree with everything he says, which he acknowledges, but the primary concern of reducing the size and scope of government, allowing us to make our own decisions, is something he says we all can agree on.

Though many of the same arguments can be found in 'Why Government Doesn't Work", there is also a host of new information such as Mr. Browne's budget plan, should he be elected, and new and updated material on the "issues" that have dominated this political season.

A quick and easy read for those new to Libertarianism and an excellent refresher/motivator for those already familiar.

This book opened up my eyes. I now clearly see what direction the country needs to head in order to be both free and competive in the world. Bravo, a master piece of facts and conclusions

Those who forget the mistakes of history are condemned to repeat them, and unfortunately the disaster of alcohol Prohibition in the 1920s occurred too long ago for most of us to remember it. Fortunately, Drug Crazy builds a bridge to that time, from whose lessons we can draw guidance today. That the Prohibition experiment (which was at least started and ended democratically, with Constitutional amendments) caused so much damage--especially crime, including the highest murder rate in US history--is a tragedy, but that we have not learned from that tragic experiment and are repeating the mistake on an even greater scale...that is indeed a crime. Drug Crazy goes on to trace the tragicomic escalation of the Drug War from its racist origins to its current heights of madness. This well-researched book is highly recommended for understanding how self-righteous and self-serving bureaucrats got us into the Drug War, and how we can get ourselves out.

Those who forget the mistakes of history are condemned to repeat them, and unfortunately the disaster of alcohol Prohibition in the 1920s occurred too long ago for most of us to remember it. Fortunately, Drug Crazy builds a bridge to that time, from whose lessons we can draw guidance today. That the Prohibition experiment (which was at least started and ended democratically, with Constitutional amendments) caused so much damage-especially crime, including the highest murder rate in US history-is a tragedy, but that we have not learned from that tragic experiment and are repeating the mistake on an even greater scale...that is indeed a crime. Drug Crazy goes on to trace the tragicomic escalation of the Drug War from its racist origins to its current heights of madness. This well-researched book is highly recommended for understanding how self-righteous and self-serving bureaucrats got us into the Drug War, and how we can get ourselves out. An appendix provides a long list of activist and related organizations, with web sites.

This book should be a real eye-opener to the average citizen.

It is an easy read of only 240 pages, so even the most time-pressed will be able to get through it in a week or two of spare moments.

Mike Gray takes us through the past 90 years of the American drug war and also parallels it with the alcohol prohibition of the 1920's.

Some has expressed disdain over the author's lack of detail on a solution to the status quo. The purpose of this book appears to focus mainly on what is wrong with the current situation -- an example of what not to do. He does call for reform of drug laws and policies, and it's up to the reader to realize that the solution is not too far off from the solution of the alcohol problem during the prohibition era -- to repeal prohibition.

Buy it. Read it. Get all your friends to read it.

While you're still fired up over it... write a letter to your local congressperson expressing your feelings... well, maybe you should write the letter after you cool down a little -- but not too much.

This book lends itself to easy comparison to Loung Ung's tome "First They Killed My Father," and while "When Broken Glass Floats" is a good book it's not as fulfilling as "First They Killed My Father." "When Broken Glass Floats" leaves large chunks of time un-narrated, doesn't discuss the ramifications of the author's Chinese (as opposed to pure Khmer) heritage, and generally is a less engaging read. It finds a strength, however, in its greater number of "cultural asides," that is, places in the text where the author directly addresses the reader and notes some small detail of Cambodian culture. Additionally, this book would have benefitted from an epilogue regarding the author's post-Cambodian life in the U.S., and would also have benefitted from some discussion either in the text or via footnotes, of what was actually happening politically at the time--it would make the story flow a little better.

Sometimes you don't choose a book to buy off the shelf - it chooses you...and Thy's autobiography somehow made it's way into my hands.

In a beautiful story about courage and loyalty to family even when staring death in the face, it is impossible not to become attatched to characters such as Pa, Mak and Chea. Although I cannot deny that parts of the story are left unfinished, such as Ra's first marriage and subsequently her second marriage to bang Ventha, which left me wondering what eventuated, it does not detract from the overall effect of the book.

It is heartwrenching to read of the hunger, death and inhumane conditions Thy and her family endured at the hands of the Khmer Rouge. As cliched as it sounds, it truly does make one realise how blessed we are to be living in a country where atrocities such as what Thy suffered no longer occur...

"When Broken Glass Floats" is one of those rare books that remains etched in your memory long after the last page closes...

It would be impossible for me to give this book less than a perfect rating because it is a first hand account of how a child sees the Khmer Rouge. That being said, that is all it is and if the reader is looking for more than it may fall short of your expectations.

I think this book could be improved if the author had included historical data and information about what was going on in Cambodia with the Khmer Rouge at the time that she is recalling. That would have been very helpful for me, because there is still much I feel I need to learn about the Khmer Rouge and Cambodian politics that I was not able to get from this novel.

However, the firsthand accounts of what it was like to be a helpless child in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge are extraordinarily moving and I would definitely recommend reading this book. It is important to understand what living in these conditions were like and this novel holds implications for all children that are exposed to national atrocities.

Stephen Hunter must have been a gun in a previous life. He knows shooting. I was hooked after the first couple of pages, and couldn't put this one down. I have since read the book 3 times. If you like guns in any small way, or just plain like a good thriller, it doesn't get any better than this. Hunter builds the main character in a way that you can see every hard line of his face, the way he walks, and the sound of his voice. If I were casting a movie of this book, I'd put Ed Harris in the role. The story is full of interesting and unpredictable plot twists, gun lore, action and revenge. It won't let you down. Hunter's sequels to this book don't hold up as well; Dirty White Boys is a bit too harsh, and Black Light moves too slowly. But Point of Impact is a stroke of genius.

Wow, this book is amazing! Well written and technically pretty good. Bob "the Nailer" is not one of those annoyingly perfect good guys that don't really exist. He has his share of problems, which are explained in the book but not dwelled on for long.

There are some pretty good reviews here that sum up the story pretty well, so I'm going to skip that. I will say that I normally read only sci-fi/fantasy and had long ago grown weary of these type of books. But the way Hunter combines the convoluted plot twists that Ludlum loves so much with the attention to detail that Clancy is so known for and then adds his own ability to tell a story in an interesting way really hooked me.

You just may find yourself shopping for a Winchester mdl 70 or a Remington 700 (in .308, of course) before the end of this one!

"One shot, one kill"

Mr. Hunter, I was looking for something to read and looked through your books. They didn't have your latest novel so I bought Point of Impact, even though I had listened to it on audiotape a few years ago. When I opened the book to the dedication page it brought me to tears. I couldn't believe you had dedicated the book to my cousin John Burke. Thank you. The words in your acknowledgment are gracious and mean so much coming from such an accomplished writer.

I've often wondered how John would have ever come back to the "world" after being a sniper in Vietnam. I imagine it would be difficult, the way you portray it in your books, especially here. And that realism is one reason I would recommend this book.

The other is that it is just a really great book to read.

This book is not a novel. It is an unusually constructed history in three volumes, written by a word-class writer. It is a heavy read. In this volume, Solzhenitsyn describes arrests, interrogations, tortures, trials, prisons, and methods of transporatation from the prisons to the labour camps. He gives a brief history of the genesis of Gulag, its principles and its expansion, in the chapter "A Brief History of Our Sewage Disposal System." Solzhenitysn marshalls an impressive range of facts and first hand anecdotes in addition to his own experiences, usually relating them in a straightforward manner, sometimes with bitter, vicious sarcasm, sometimes with passionate anger. The book is an astounding achievement, especially when one considers that he wrote it in sections, hiding each as it was completed; he was never able to refer back to what he had previously written, yet I noticed no repetitions. The book is an astounding achievement, immensely powerful, but very depressing, sometimes heart-breaking. Nonetheless, anyone who wishes to be well-informed in general, or about history in particular, must read it.

It is very interesting to compare The Gulag Archipelago, the true story of a horrible and real dystopia, with George Orwell's 1984, the story of an imaginary dystopia, or Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, another imaginary dystopia.

The difference between Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's book and the others is his more convincing, more concrete detail. Solzhenitsyn describes the gritty details of the arrests, tortures, kangaroo court trials and murders or imprisonments that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union inflicted on countless millions of people while Lenin or Stalin were in power. He gives exact details about the coarse criminality and ingenious cruelty of Communist prison officials whom he watched while he was in prison. He also weighed and sifted evidence that he gathered from other prisoners and he reports it here.

Solzhenitsyn entered prison a convinced Marxist. He gradually lost his Communist faith only after many years of physical and emotional abuse by other Marxists. The hope of a free lunch in a Communist paradise dies hard.

Review by Mike, Age 13

Solzhenitsyn does an excellent job of retelling the story of the atrocities of the Soviet Union. The Gulag Archipelago is a disturbing account of what happened inside the Gulag prisons. This is an account about the things hidden from the public and the things the Marxists wanted to keep hidden. And how he gave a first person account of prison life, well that was just amazing! His vivid descriptions about the kinds of arrests that took place I thought was very interesting and an amazing brainchild of a distorted Soviet Union!

How Stalin could turn an innocent gesture of two long lost friends being reunited into an arrest is beyond me. The Gulag Archipelago is an excellent book that unveiled an entirely new side of the Soviet Union and its perverted system of justice. It's a great book for historians and World War II buffs, or even if you are trying to find out more about the Soviet Union. The Gulag Archipelago is quite possibly one of the best books I've ever read! I would recommend it to anyone even remotely interested in the Soviet Union. (Content will be confusing for younger readers.)

Martin Gilbert is a prodigious writer and a fine historian. In Churchill: A Life, Gilbert presents an encompassing view of Great Britain's most dynamic historical figure. Little need be said in this review about Churchill, a man larger than life, as that life has been voluminously recorded. However, Gilbert has provided an account that is eminently readable, fascinating in detail, thoroughly engrossing, and bottom-line, simply a pleasurable experience.

As a biographical subject, Churchill has certainly received more negative analysis than Gilbert proffers, but Gilbert takes great care to explain where unwarranted criticism of Churchill's actions and beliefs are, in themselves, errant. Surely, Churchill's politics, in a career that spanned nearly a lifetime, will provide at least some fodder for anyone. By and large, however, Churchill was exactly the prescription required to pull Great Britain through the horrors of World War II.

Not since Truman, by David McCullough, have I enjoyed a biography this much. I recommend the book highly as it deserves, every bit, a rating of five stars.

The 90 year life of Winston Churchill is so eventful and important, it is difficult to chronicle in a single volume. Indeed, Churchill's official biography, of which Martin Gilbert was a major author and collaborator, consists of eight volumes. That said, the average reader, interested in the facts of Churchill's life and times, does not have time to read multiple volumes. Thus, a top quality single volume work becomes imperative.

This is not simply a condensation of the eight volume work but is rather a new work in its own right, which draws on the eight volume work as a major source. Gilbert also relies heavily on Churchill's own archives, the archives of his wife Clementine and the materials of important persons in Churchill's life such as Lady Asquith. As with all of Gilbert's books, this volume is thorough, authoritative, factual and slightly prosaic. One advantage though is that the book is liberally filled with Churchill's actual written and spoken words. Churchill's words are never dull and liven up the text considerably.

The book follows Churchill's life in chronological order from his birth in 1874 through his death in 1965. Although all aspects of his life are touched on, Gilbert's emphasis is on Churchill's public role. The reader unfamiliar with Churchill will be amazed at the number of events of British history in which Churchill played a primary part. In his early twenties, Churchill saw action as an officer and then as a journalist in a number of British colonial wars. Most notably, he was taken prisoner by the Boers during the Boer war, from which he escaped. Originally elected to Parliament as a Conservative during the reign of Victoria, Churchill soon broke with the Tories over the issue of tariffs, which Churchill adamantly opposed. Joining the Liberals, Churchill soon rose to high office. Together with David Lloyd George, Churchill was a major figure in the passage of numerous social and labor reforms. By 1911, Churchill was named First Lord of the Admiralty, where he prepared the British Navy for the conflict with Germany that he sensed was coming. Churchill's career stalled during the First World War when his sound plan to capture Constantinople via Gallipolli, was undermined by the military men charged with carrying it out, Churchill was forced to resign the Admiralty and ultimately saw action as the commander of a Brigade in France. He returned to the cabinet as Minister of Munitions prior to the war's end. After the war, Churchill served as Colonial Secretary where he supported the Zionist movement for a Jewish homeland in Palestine and had much to do with the issuance of the Balfour declaration. He never wavered from his position that a Jewish homeland in Palestine was not only just but that it served British interest. In this, as in so many other areas, Churchill stood largely alone. In his role as Colonial Secretary, Churchill essentially created the modern Arab nation states including Egypt, Jordan and Iraq among others.

Churchill also served as Home Secretary where he worked out the settlement with Michael Collins and Sin Fein that created the Republic of Ireland. Churchill moved away from the Liberals as they began to lose ground to the Labour party who he adamantly opposed. For a number of years Churchill was essentially an independent supported by the Conservatives. He was finally invited back into the Conservative fold, serving in the opposition shadow cabinet of Stanley Baldwin in the late 1920's.

Churchill again broke with the Conservatives over the party's policy favoring centralized Indian home rule. This was an issue over which all parties were largely in agreement yet Churchill was adamant in his opposition. He believed that the end of the British Raj in India would lead to the Hindu persecution of lower castes and slaughter between Hindu and Muslim nationalists. History has, of course, proven him right and gradual independence might have saved millions of lives. At the time, however, he was subjected to the worst ridicule and ostracized.

Churchill's stance seemed to spell the end of his career. All through the thirties, he maintained his seat in Parliament yet was never asked to serve in a government. He was ignored, in succession by Ramsey McDonald (head of a Labour/Conservative coalition), Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain. His warnings about Hitler, the threat from Germany and Britain's growing weakness were utterly ignored. Only when the war began in September 1939 was Churchill invited back into the Admiralty and into the War Cabinet by Chamberlain. Finally, in 1940, when Chamberlain was forced to resign, Churchill was asked by the King to take his place. At 65, in the hour of Britain's greatest peril, Churchill was Prime Minister and the head of a national unity government determined to defeat the Nazi menace. Gilbert spends a disproportionate amount of space on these vital five years. At the age when most people are retiring, Churchill with enormous vitality was traveling the globe in support of the British war effort.

Upon Germany's defeat, in July 1945, Churchill was promptly turned out of office and the Socialists took over. He continued to lead the Conservative party in opposition and was returned to power in 1952. At first, an outspoken critic of Stalin's Soviet Union (he coined the phrase "the iron curtain") Churchill came to favor a political resolution of differences between the West and the Soviets. Finally, retiring as Prime Minister and head of the party in 1955 at the age of 81, Churchill's final words of advice to his successors was to "stand with the Americans."

Winston Spencer Churchill is one of the pivotal figures of the twentieth century and one of the greatest men of all time. This book does justice to his greatness. For a much greater insight into Churchill's character and personal life, I recommend the two books in "The Last Lion" series by William Manchester. This book is clearly superior to the recent biography by Roy Jenkins. It is the finest one volume biography available.

I liked much better this book than those of William Manchester. The story is linear and one feels the author's absolute knowledge of the life of Churchill. Gilbert's admiration of Churchill is apparent. I heard he has written an eight volume (official) biography of which this book is a very comprehensive and very-very well written abridgement, in other words the eight volumes are „distilled" into one. I also think the quotations are much better selected, Churchill's often very long speeches are very well compressed (my favourite is the speech after Munich). This gives the impression - at least to me - of having read a whole speech, whereas in Manchester's book it never really happens and the speeches are usually followed or preceded by the author's comments. I felt Gilbert keeps a greater distance from his subject, the book is more like a frame and lets the reader build up Churchill's personality with his imagination. Also this might be important to some (like myself) that Gilbert's language is easier to understand.
The Manchester books are of a very different character, not linear, much more personal, the author presents a lot of insight, and tells his opinion or judgement on a variety of subjects and choses the right quotations to underline these. These two volumes of Manchester contain a lot more information and interesting details. I usually agreed with his judgements but i sometimes felt he was forcing and repeating them too strong and too often. A great advantage though is that we learn a lot more about the outside world.

Churchill's book on WWII has a part which is called the „Gathering storm" meaning the approaching Nazi danger for the democracies. For Hitler Churchill was the „gathering storm", a phenomenon which is impossible to ignore and whose „thunderous" speeches and articles were so „loud" and powerful. It was nothing else but the power and truth in his speeches that made him so menacing to the Nazis as he was distrusted by all parties of parliament and indeed by the whole population.This was the reason why he was attacked publicly as a simple MP by Hitler in the late thirties when Hitler was the all powerful leader of Germany and Churchill only a political outcast.

I heard people describing Churchill as a born leader. I disagree. I don't think he was a born leader. He was a genius, the „largest human being of our time" but I think these were not the traditonal leadership qualities that made him emerge to become a strong man and a very powerful leader but his courage and his very deep comprehension of history and the power of justice on his side. Without the truth being on his side i think he would never have been a great leader (unlike Stalin or Chamberlain or Hitler).

After reading it one gives credit to the British people and also to their parlamentary system for being so rubust and being able to defend itself in times of great danger. After this book it seems that no attempt were made to bypass it even when it seemed that the present rulers (Baldwin and Chamberlain) were leading it to certain destruction.

Very good idea and makes it much easier to find something in the book afterwards is that on the top of each page the year of the actual story is shown.

Although the author avoids making many personal comments, the book is so well built up and the story itself is so full of drama that it is hard to put down. I am looking forward to reading other works of Gilbert, who really became my favourite historian (I hope they'll be translated into Hungarian soon).

Now that we are a decade removed from the fall of the Soviet Empire, it is a wonderful to look back and read a fabulous primary source about the events. Remnick, the Moscow correspondant for The Washington Post, during the late 80's and early 90's (and since the editor of the New Yorker, which was a well deserved honor for a fabulous journalist, if I may say so myself) was right on the scene when the incredible collapse of Communism took place. He interviewed hundreds, if not thousands, of people who had lived through the Soviet regime and who played some role, regarldless of how small and seemingly insignificant, in the transformation of the nation, and this research paid huge dividends. He combines all these personal stories into one great book that explains and analyzes why and how this happened. It is very well written, and while being comprehensive remains comprehensible. It is a wonderful book and anyone who is interested in Russia (or would like to become so), likes history in general, or enjoys good semi-academic writing this book is for you.

David Remnick in "Lenin's Tomb" writes a fascinating book on the demise of the Soviet Union. Remnick manages to convey the views of the liberals who want to democratize the country and the neo-Stalinist conservatives who want to turn the clock back to the repression of life under Stalin.

The author has little sympathy for Mikhail Gorbachev who once he launched "perestroika" could not make the final commitment to democracy and republicanism and remained trapped in the dying and corrupt Communist Party. Yet, Gorbachev's half-hearted attempts at reform nearly ended in a disasterous rigt-wing coup. Only, the incompetence of the plotters and will of the people not to turn back to a corrupt failed system prevented the USSR in falling back into despotism.

Because of "glasnost and perestroika" Remnick was able to obtain candid views from everyone he interviewed during his stay in the Soviet Union. Miners, dissident and even communist party apparatchiks spoke freely about the good and bad of Russia. Nearly, 50 years after his death, Stalin's shadow still hovered over everything and everyone in the nation. Liberals such as Andrei Sakharov wanted the government and the party to fully acknowledge the heinous attrocities of mass murder and imprisonments committed during Stalin's reign, Khrukhschev made a tentative start at 20th party congress in denouncing Stalin but failed to follow through with real reform. During the Brezhnev years the country lurched backwards thast by the time Gorbachev came to power the Soviet Union was totally morally, politically and economically bankrupt.

Remnick also does a fine job showing the first hesitant steps toward capitalism yet evenn today 10 years after the Soviet Union collapsed Russia still refuses to make the fundamental changes to bring a market economy fully to fruition. Under the Communists there was "equity in poverty" today in Russia you see the extremes of rich and poor. This is a wonderful book for anyone interested in the demise of the Soviet Union, but it needs an update to encompass the last decade.

The book is a compilation of short stories (each chapter a dozen pages or so) about the author's first-hand experiences in the Gorbachev's Soviet Union. From Baltic to Sakhalin and from coal miners to Gorbachev himself, from Stalin to Yeltsin and from Solzhenitsyn to Sakharov, the book paints the picture of the monolith's fall. This colorful collage describing the critical period in Russian history, combined with keen commentary, creates for the reader the distinct flavor of the time.

For Russia, it was the age of confusion and disillusionment. Gorbachev's half-hearted reforms (the interest in truth ended where the Party interests were concerned, the pursuit of democracy gave way to the pursuit of the runaway republics etc.) were matched by the half-hearted '91 coup (no real plan, no propaganda with the military, Lenin wouldn't have approved).

For generations, Russian people did not know much of the sad history of their country and less still about the life in the West. The blissful ignorance was one thing that helped them in their miserable existence. Their various degrees of belief in the grand ideals were the other. With glasnost, Gorbachev aimed at opening the gates of truth while preserving the faith. In all honesty, it was impossible: the foundation for the faith was thoroughly rotten and relaxing the state control of mass media could only reveal it. All of a sudden, millions of people had to face hard evidence showing that the glorious history of their country never was. That the Bolshevik revolution was but a ruthless coup followed by a bloody terror. That many national heroes, all the way to Lenin, were privilege- and power-hungry maniacs. The Russian people had to go (and are still going) through an incredible adjustment of their understanding of right and wrong, brought about by a mere possibility of truth in the phrase of Molotov (himself not the most impeccable politician): "Compared to Lenin Stalin was a mere lamb". Similarly, it was a hard realization for many a soviet man that in the late 80's "an average Soviet had to work 10 times longer than the average American to buy a pound of meat". The full awareness of their tragic history and miserable reality must make it so much more difficult for Russian people to live in the country which is overwhelmingly corrupt, lawless and poor.

Remnick's parents and in-laws, all four having escaped from the old empire, could not imagine going back even for a visit, apparently having no faith in the Russian democratic changeover. On the other side of the ocean, the Russian military colonel excavating the Katyn massacre site, by disobeying direct orders from a KGB general to stop the work, believed in the prevalence of positive change in Russia. Today's Russia, with its authoritarian government and shady political and legal process, still leaves its democratic future a matter of faith.

By way of some criticism, Gorbachev brought about an incredible change. His glasnost and personal presence revived the anemic (or galvanized the non-existent) political forces unheard of in a largely Brezhnev-era Russia. He fought many of the first battles alone. The book does not make a case for that. Glasnost provided food for the hungry Soviet mind, but perestroika, restructuring, was supposed to change the way Soviet people live. The book could have benefited from taking on perestroika in some detail.

Overall, very enjoyable and engaging.

The United States of America is the greatest country in human history because it is the only nation ever founded on the noblest political principle possible: the principle of inalienable individual rights. But today this principle is undergoing an all-out assault by the enemies of liberty, and the United States is being destroyed in the process. This book presents, in terrifying detail, just how far the destruction of American liberties has gone. Bovard presents a wide range of examples of the arbitrary, viscious use of government power against defenseless citizens, and of the cost in death and ruined lives that this power produces. It is shocking to discover how far the destruction of freedom has already gone in America. Any person interested in protecting liberty ought to read this book.

Bovard's classic eye-opener belongs on the shelf of every American. Rather than serve merely as a warning, this book serves as a slap in the face. The violation of rights that this book documents (with stellar scholarship) and explains are not things that are about to happen -- they are things that have already happened and are happening all around us. Want to know "what's the problem with big government, anyway?" Just read this book. It is easy to read, even if it is not easy to accept. Bovard is a great writer and takes polemics and journalistic writing to a new level.

Buy this book and read it. Let it make you really, really angry about where we are. Read "Common Sense" by Paine and read the Constitution of the United States to figure out where we were. Then read "1984" by George Orwell to figure out where we're heading. Then read "The Road to Serfdom" by F A Hayek and realize why we're heading there. Then read "For A New Liberty" by Murray Rothbard and a host of other books to figure out what you can do about it. Then do it.

This book is extremely well researched and incrediably thorough. However, it will make you so mad that you may have to put the book up many times before you can finish it. Otherwise, your blood pressure will rise to dangerous levels!