Governments

New York State Government: What it does, How it works
By Robert B. Ward

Publisher: Rockefeller Institute Press, Albany, New York 12203-1003, 2002

Robert Ward, who has been involved in New York State government for over 20 years, gives us a great road map to what has happened in the Empire State politically and substantively in his book New York State Government: What it does and How it works. This readable, one volume work gives a great overview of the structure, purpose and implementation of New York's large government on both a legislative, judicial and administrative level. It is a nice review for those involved in government and a good beginning for those who seek to be in or who are new to government. Directors of associations directly impacted by government, new legislators and regulators and public policy students will find this a useful start in learning the somewhat complex way in which the Empire State operates and carries out its government mission.

As Ward points out, it is the administrative governmental structure, which has grown significantly since the 1970's, that carries out the nuts and bolts of New York State Government. Ward's premise that "the power of an agency executive with a vision, personal drive and the support of elected leadership can make an enormous impact on state government" is carried out in his summary of changes in the Department of Motor Vehicles. A State agency most New Yorker's must visit during their lives, Ward, on page 285 of his book, shows how the "bureaucratic ineptitude" of the way in which licenses and motor vehicle registrations were issued was changed by Governor Cuomo's Department of Motor Vehicles Commissioner, Patricia Adduci.
The involvement of employees as well as customers combined with focused "executive support" lead to greatly reduced lines and improved customer service at the Department. In a more micro way, this example highlights how committed attention and creative thought can change the way the State administers its programs. This portion of the book also highlights how the Pataki administration continued these reforms through the implementation of several technology-based improvements. These efforts, at a minimum, have resulted in less waiting time at the DMV, and, in a broader context, prove how effective leadership and commitment can garner positive change in a administratively detailed government structure.

In the end, Ward's book posits, what is the role of state governments? A great question in a time when state government decision-making is beginning to dissipate. As Ward points out, the federal government's role in a traditionally state issue--- insurance--- has become more pronounced with the repeal of Glass-Stegal. The federal government's involvement in the lowering the drinking age and education are significant signs in the reduced role, based on the significant financial needs of state government, states will play in policy making and control of their agenda. In the end, says Ward, voters who care about these issues "should recognize federalism matters." In his concluding remarks, Ward gives us a glimpse of his view that, "perhaps the only safe prediction is that the balance of power will continue to shift. Governors, legislators, and elected leaders at the federal level will push and pull to control the policy debate. Such competition over ideas and political influence will serve all America-as long as an informed citizenry is a full partner in the conversation." It is difficult to argue with this advice.

For a good, basic understanding of New York State's government, Ward's book, New York State Government: What it does, how it works, is a good reference.

This should be required reading for anyone who lives in, does business with or reports on New York State government. Ward combines a bird's-eye view, honed through years of thoughtful observation, with an intellectual appreciation for the nuances of politics and policy.

Many have criticized -- with considerable justification -- the rat's nest of rules, regulations, traditions, politics and georgraphic considerations that so determine what happens and doesn't happen in New York. But few have taken the time to understand that there is indeed a method to this madness. Ward is among those very few, and his book is both insightful and practical.

This book was the most useful one I found for researching U.S.-Nicaragua relations in the 1980s. Instead of wasting pages with the authors' political opinions, like so many other books about this subject, this book simply tells us what happened in the words of contemporary sources. And, contrary to the opinion of the booklist reviewer above, who must have been an ardent and rather close-minded Sandinista apologist, the book's sources include people of every political persuasion: the Sandinistas, the Contras, the Sandinista-controlled media, the U.S. media, the official news service of Cuba, Nicaragua's independent media, La Prensa, religious, labor and peasant groups in Nicaragua and officials of the Sandinista government, Cuban government and Reagan and Bush Administrations.

Excellent research source for students, scholars and journalists, this chronology lets the Contra vs. Sandinista conflict, and the U.S. response to it, unfold as it really happened. Much of the story is told through quotes from contemporary sources, allowing the reader to watch the conflict (and its resolution) unfold as the events occurred. Thorough footnoting also permits readers to access the original sources, making the book especially useful for researchers, writers and students.

David Wise displays his through knowledge of the CIA and the business of intelligence in this excellent book. Well written, highly readable.

Perhaps the most disturbing element of the story is the refusal of CIA leaders to consider the posibility that someone ( or perhaps more than one) as damaging as Ames was deep inside with access to some of the most potentially damaging secrets.

Highly recommended

Not only is this a masterfully written book, but Wise (I suspect) reveals tidbits that many within the ranks of the CIA were surprised to read. Best read in one sitting.

Over the last decade or so, there has been a substantial rethinking of the Nixon presidency.... Until the appearance of Allen Matusow's new book, however, Nixon's economic policies had not received a similar reassessment. In a very readable and well researched exploration of Nixon's economics, Matusow makes a compelling case that Nixon held no principled position whatsoever and that his economic policies were overtly and explicitly driven by his attempts to create a new electoral majority.... The Nixon presidency, as seen through Matusow's account, becomes an excellent case study in public-choice economics and the failures of interventionism.

Three major strengths of Matusow's book deserve special mention. First, he has made extensive use of archival materials that were inaccessible until recently. By using the presidential office files, Bob Haldeman's extensive notes, and the various books and recollections of Nixon's associates, he has assembled a large amount of material from a variety of sources to document various meetings and discussions in great detail. The result is a very ugly view of the politicization of economic policy that puts one in mind of the old saw about not wanting to know how sausages or laws are made....

A second strength of the book, of special interest to economists, is Matusow's careful documentation of the role played by well-known economists in the Nixon administration. Arthur Burns, Herbert Stein, Paul McCracken, Milton Friedman, and others all have starring roles in the drama. Except Friedman, none of them presents an appealing picture. Matusow extensively documents the ways in which Nixon's economic advisors were quick to sacrifice principles, particularly free-market principles, for political expediency.... Matusow makes extensive use of Friedman's Newsweek columns to illustrate the ways in which Nixon's policies did not correspond with the Friedman's free-market, monetarist line....

The book's third strength is Matusow's use of economics. In more than three hundred pages of analysis of Nixon's economics, I found very few places where Matusow made an obvious error of theory or history.... But in most cases he handles the economics nicely, especially in his discussions of inflation, where he keeps the behavior of the money supply always at the forefront, and the energy crisis, where he does a fine job of documenting the various government interventions that precipitated the crisis and the horrendous policy mistakes that exacerbated it.... Matusow deserves particular praise for his discussion of Bretton Woods and the gold window, in which he deals with some complicated issues in international monetary economics and does a good job of rendering them comprehensible....

Matusow has carefully and cogently documented Nixon's use of the instruments of power in pursuit of his own political goals and illuminated the disastrous results (double-digit inflation and the worst recession since the 1930s, not to mention a legacy of interventionism that has continued to the present) that Nixon's economics engendered. Matusow's book, though not couched in such terms, is an excellent case study in public-choice economics and is recommended to students of public choice and recent U.S. economic history.

This book fills a big gaping hole in economic history. There are probably hundreds of books on Nixon and Vietnam, China, and Watergate. But very few exist on his other policies, including his economic policies. This is especially strange considering that his Administration presided over the final destruction of the gold standard, first sustained budget deficits, and the beginning of the Great Recession of 1970s.

Thus, this book is extremely useful. Almost month-by-month it describes the swinging pendulum of booms and busts that resulted from Nixon's economic mismanagement and the world economy's response to it. This is a very thorough work, meticulously documented. The author carefully documents endless cases of sacrifice of economic policies to blatantly short-term political goals.

It's also a good narrative, it weaves all the facts and explanation together, and it's organized very well. I found it very easy to read and understand it. It sheds much light on the economic causes of all those strange events of the 1970s. It's also a great companion to a more general history of USA during those years.

As of late, political consultants have become convenient boogeymen. It seems whenever the American people decide they'd rather be apathetic than devote a few minutes out of their day to voting or whenever a politician is caught breaking the law, it somehow turns out to be the ultimate fault of political consultants. And so, every few months or so, we get a lot of people demanding a lot of new laws and vague terms like "campaign finance" get tossed around by commentators who obviously haven't got a clue as to what they're actually talking about. Yet somehow, nobody ever seems to really bother with, say, investigating what campaign consultants actually do. Luckily, veteran consultant Dennis W. Johnson has written "No Place For Amateurs," an inside look at campaign consultants that manges to avoid the anti-consultant hysteria of most recent insider books while at the same time never embracing the shallow arrogance of the "how-to" books of consultants like Dick Morris (who is featured in the opening chapters of Johnson's books and -- no great shock -- comes across as an egotistical cad). Chapter-by-chapter, Johnson explains, in detail, what pollsters, direct mail consultants, and advertising gurus actually do. He also explains how political consultants came to be so powerful in American politics and shows that the situation isn't quite as bad as we might think. At the same time, Johnson doesn't allow himself to be a shill for his fellow consultants. He does highlight some trouble spots and the reforms he suggests manage to be both effective and fair without resorting to the hysterical fearmongering of so many other reformers. As well, Johnson's book is also full of several entertaining anecdotes from previous campaigns and it should be a lot of fun for people with a taste for political trivia.

This is a great read - especially for news and politics junkies. Johnson writes with authority, candor and humor about real people involved with real campaigns and facing real ethical issues. Not only does the book describe the tools and techniques of modern campaigns, but it provides real insight into their strengths and weaknesses when used in varying situations.

I have to admit, though, the best part of the book is the anecdotes. You get a sense of the decision making speed required in the chaos that surrounds candidates and staffs. In fact, you may actually gain some sympathy for the people who choose (or are driven) to enter the political arena.

If you liked The War Room or Primary Colors, you'll love this book.

Finding it ironic that Westerners are most familiar with the veiled, hidden Muslim woman, Haeri, (Iranian-born director of the Women's Studies Program at BU) introduces six unveiled, professional Pakistani women who talk about their families, childhood, marriages, struggles, politics, religion and work. These in-depth interviews reveal cross-cultural commonalities among women in family and work relationships as well as deep divides between Western and Pakistani attitudes toward women. Several make a distinction between Islam and tradition, saying men interpret religion to reinforce patriarchal culture, a point which is best articulated by Sufi feminist, Nilofar Ahmed. She explains that a lot of accepted knowledge is a matter of interpretation, "and we did not find any female scholars in this line. ...Even the most sincere male scholar with the best of intentions could not look at the law from a woman's point of view."

They are all university-educated English speakers and several have done advanced studies abroad. Each describes herself as "different" from other women, by which she means determined, rebellious and independent and, usually, as a child, interested in "boy" activities. Most were encouraged in their education, at least until they got married. Divorce or separation and child custody are discussed at length as well as difficulties (and advantages) of extended family living. Though women worldwide still marry to escape the parental yoke, Western women get to make their own mistakes. These Pakistani women made arranged marriages and three were unhappy. Another, a widow, describes her husband in the same breath and repeatedly as "wonderful" and "difficult," "special" and "bad-tempered." Several found it easier to work and continue education with the support gained from an extended family, several found the demands of in-laws suffocating and demoralizing. Marital separation, leaving aside financial considerations, is difficult for a woman who loses her children (considered to belong to the father), is condemned by family and society, and, if she tries to pursue any kind of independent life, is assumed to be of loose morals.

One intriguing woman lives two lives - a government official in Lahore, and a feudal lord in her rural village. In Lahore some men refuse to work for her because of her sex, but in the village feudal position trumps gender. Men and women rely on her for advice, financial aid, arbitration, even spiritual counseling and healing. Born to a second marriage, Ayesha was treated like a boy by a man with no sons. Though proud of this and of her ability to "act like a man," several years after her interview with Haeri, after studying (War Studies) abroad and marrying, she writes Haeri that this posture destroyed "my sensuality, my appreciation of the other sex." Ayesha also has complex dealings with family - legal wrangling over property coupled with a desire for closeness; severe parental restrictions coupled with demanding expectations.

Parental restrictions are a common complaint, followed in due course by marital restrictions - brought about by precepts of "izzat" or honor. Woman must be pure and her behavior reflects on her family or husband. "Hence, the threat of women's mobility and autonomy," Haeri explains in her succinct, illuminating introduction. All of these women are politically active (one builds sanitary facilities for the poor, several are involved in education and human rights) and one, Rahila Tiwana, suffered torture in police custody, though she denies reports of sexual assault, saying her family was too well-respected. Rape, Haeri explains, is used to dishonor men, by besmirching the purity of their women.

Haeri lets each woman speak in her own voice and speak they do. The interviews come alive with passion, intimacy and intellectual power. Independence comes at the price of loneliness and conflict, even separation from children and family. The author follows each interview with her own comments and conclusions and while her structure is academic, her prose is clear and her opinions insightful. This is a text designed for college use, with copious footnotes, bibliography and index, but it's also a fascinating view into Pakistani culture, history and religious thought for the general reader.

Shahla Haeri's No Shame For The Sun: Lives Of Professional Pakistani Women is recommended for college-level collections specializing in both women's studies and Middle East history. This surveys the lives of professional Pakistani women in chapters which document both political and social thought in Pakistani society.

Lyn Nofziger was part of Ronald Reagan's hard-core conservative inner-circle since before the time Reagan was governor of California. In this book, Nofziger provides historical insights that help us understand the Reagan we knew; as well as to reveal to us a side of Reagan we never knew. Nofziger writes about the good times as well as the bad and shows how the Reagan Team bonded and evolved over the years. It's a fascinating recollection from a man who not only was there, but who knew Reagan intimately. Nofziger's memoirs provide the reader with a greater insight and appreciation for the man we called The Gipper. The end of the book is somewhat disheartening as it reveals the demise of the inner-circle during Reagan's second term as President. As someone with a romantic view of the Reagan Era, it was eye-opening to discover how badly the Reagan Revolution was undermined from within. But, you have to be willing to accept the good with the bad. And this book will most definitely give you both. A must read for all Reagan fans. Oh, and Nofziger is as funny as hell.

Nofziger is not the hilarious donnybrook that Ed Rollins' book covering the same eras is, but it's more circumspect, more low-key, and less emotional. But it's emotional enough, and it's occasionally very funny too. Especially valuable is the inside information on Reagan's unsuccessful 1976 run. Like Rollins, Nofziger believes that Reagan's executive style of management (i.e. knowing his place) was a great strength, but his remoteness and inattention to detail also led to the appointment of the people (Baker in particular) who undermined his conservative philosophy and shunted his key advisers (e.g. Meese). This directly led to the ineffective second term and the Bush years. Thus the "revolution" was largely DOA. Nofziger is one of the good guys in politics. Honest and not self-aggrandizing. If only there were more of him in Washington. He maintains a site out at lynnofziger.com.

This is an excellent book of the whole area of Social Security Disability benefits and how to fill the forms out completely, when to seek an attorney for appeals etc, and a rather extensive section on what the term disability means to Social Security and what diseases, conditions etc qualify and which do not. The only area lacking was disabled spousal Social Security Disability coverage, which a spouse under age 50 with no minor children must file for in the same way the working spouse who becomes disabled would have to do. I plan on donating my copy which I bought via Amazon.com to my local public library.

Filing for Social Security Disability benefits is not easy. This guide explains EVERYTHING in easy to understand terms. I wish I had ordered it before the first denial. I am using this book while filing a reconsideration. The suggestions provided have really opened my eyes to the process. I highly recommend this book to people who want a little extra information on the SSA's thought process when going over your application.

This is an essentail read for all who study comparative politics, history, public administration and international relations or international law. Professor Tonge provideds an easy to follow, well-written book that will spark your interest for hours. In addition to updated information, Professor Tonge provides additional references for further investigation. I would highly recommend this book to anyone who has developed a curiousity regarding the events in Northern Ireland or for poli-sci courses that deals with comparative policy/political studies or a course in international conflict.

This book is absolutely the best book written on the history of the "Troubles." It comes from a very unbiased source who attempts to explain the 300 plus years of conflict to those who have no knowledge of the troubles in the North. It is also enlightening to us who do have knowledge and insight into the conflicts of Northern Ireland. If you ever wanted to know about the "Troubles," or want to know more, this book is a must read. It should be the first book read before anyone takes on any study of the conflicts which shroud Northern Ireland.

This is not only fascinating reading, but is a critical primary source for understanding our Constitution. This is Madison's first hand account of the secret proceedings of the Constitutional Convention. You'll see how the debate unfolds and understand more fully the difficulty of creating a governing document for our nation.

Most importantly you'll see the difficulty in divining the original intent of our founders. There were many intents and many "founders" of this important document. It is not surprising that many involved in the creation of our constitution could afterwards disagree on the substance of what different articles "meant." That is why the argument over original intent can never be resolved, and why, for better or worse, the Constitution remains open to interpretation.

Perhaps no work, outside of the Federalist Papers, is more crucial to understanding the US Constitution. Madison's Notes, drawn from those hot days at the Constitutional Convention show the building of our federalist system. From what was included, to what was rejected, to what was never proposed, Madison reveals so much.