Governments

Whelan is the sort of scholar rarely found in this age of academic narcissism. Not kowtowing to fashionability, Whelan presents examples Burke's writings on India in a balanced, considered manner, without including the tempting digressions that could make this a western - non-western multicultural ax grind. Every Burke enthusiast will benefit from this latest excursion into Burke's lesser known works.

Whelan has done a marvelous job at interpreting Burke's political philosophy through the window of Burke's writings on India, Empire, and in particular, the Warren Hastings trial.

Of the various styles of biographies I've read, I think I prefer what Lock has achieved here. It's definitely not the kind of page-turner which Robert Caro delivers, nor is it heavily weighed down with details such as De La Grange has given us with Gustav Mahler. Instead, Lock gives us intelligently written background surrounding the issues and people as they arise; judicious use of Burke's letters (and letters to him) as well as his writings; and details that help bring the era to life. He also brings the themes together, which means the telling is not a simple chronology. Lock gives us all sides of Burke, too: not just the politician and the family man, but the brother and the farmer. What I also like about this book is that Lock does not hesitate to criticize Burke when his behavior is less than ethical or when Burke's arguments are disingenuous. It's a critical examination, and Lock doesn't dumb it down. (I can't wait for volume 2, although my checkbook can.)

This will become the standard biography of Burke - but this book is not just for scholars: anyone with an interest in 18th century politics and culture will benefit from reading this work.

The narrative is well written, with much detail and necessary (but not too basic) background detail; overall it keeps the reader's interest.

Burke's own works are analysed thoroughly, within the framework of his life.

An excellent book on the life of Hubert H. Humphrey, by the subject himself. I have read others pieces on Humphrey, but this work comes through in his own voice, as if he is sitting there talking to you. As biographies go, I think Carl Solberg's book on the late Vice President is the most thorough on the subject, but Humphrey's account is the most readable. The subject is also well done by Dan Cohen.

This is a great read. Here, Humphrey sums up his life, his beliefs and his goals for the coming years. Those who want to know what our nation should be like ought to read this book.

Humphrey dreamed of an opportunity society in which the public and private good made sure that all of our citizens had access to such basic human needs as health care, a human and living wage, education, day care, family leave, a job and a safe neighobrhood and environment. He dreamed of a society in which we would all be equal, regardless of who we are or what our skin color is. Has his dream come true? Of course not. The 'new right' in America has declared war on all that is good about our government and its humanitarian goals. They have declared war on the workers and unions which Humphrey so adored. They have declared war on basic labor regulations. They ought to read Humphrey's autobiography and grow a heart!

Hubert Humphrey in his last speech before Congerss said something which has touched me and is my political motto:"The moral test of government is how it treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped." We need to make sure that America does not fail the 'moral test of government.'

For those who see Humphrey as a has-been civil rights leader and as LBJ's Vice President, I urge you to read this book and see how radically pro-labor and pro-civil rights he was. It's a good read!

Holmes's Book represent a clear vision of the paper of government's to deliver social services through technology infrastructure and confirm how government's processes have to modify its sense to deliver major benefits to more citizens. It is highly recommended.

This informative, well-researched and brightly written overview of government e-business will fill you in on how far governments worldwide have come in offering services via the Internet, and what more they have to do to make the most of what the technology has to offer. It's a fascinating read that highlights the Internet's incredible power in bringing people, causes and issues together in the name of social activism, politics and democracy. We from getAbstract recommend this book to all readers with an interest in better - or at least more efficient -government.

The Einstein File by Fred Jerome, quickly dispels the poplar image
of Albert Einstein as an absentminded, head-in-the-clouds-genius.

Though Einstein is arguably the most widely covered, continuing
science story in history and is most noted for his scientific
theories that transformed our view of the universe. This book
chronicles the life of an Einstein that the masses knew nothing
about. An Einstein described as a troublemaker, an agitator, a
fervent pacifist, a socialist, and an open critic of racism.

Einstein arrived in the United States in 1933, the year of
the Nazi's ascent to power in Germany, and became the focus of
J. Edgar Hoover's FBI. And by any means necessary the FBI amassed
a 'file cabinet' of information on him. Fred Jerome stumbled on
documents that addressed Einstein as a Spy and a Kidnap Plotter.
And a dossier where Jerome discovered the political dimension of
Albert Einstein's life and his intense commitment to social justice.

Jerome says when he realized how much had not been told to us about
the life of the 'Man of the Century', he felt as though he had been
robbed. This is not another biography of Einstein, some two hundred
have already been written. It is a window opened by the FBI on the
nature of Einstein's politics, the depth of his public involvement,
and the generosity of his endorsements of organizations he supported.
And it is this activism that made Hoover's Bureau consider Einstein

dangerous. This book reveals information that makes one think the
history we know is sanitized, and what we don't know is at times
appalling. It talks of a 'list' maintained by the FBI on celebrities,
political figures and anyone thought to have affiliatiions with the
Communist Party. It underscores the dangers that can arise, and the
rule of law that exists in times of obsession with national security.
And it creates questions on where the line should be drawn on the issue
of an invasion of privacy. This one will make you take a seat.

Reviewed by aNN Brown

Einstein was a troublemaker, the author informs us at the beginning of this book detailing, armed with the 1800 pages of files released by the FOIA, with Hoover's Albert-paranoia in action, aimed at the great scientist, especially in the years of the Red Scare, McCarthyism, and the Cold War. The public image of the greatest scientist of the twentieth century has been carefully manicured, but behind the teddy bear was a determined activist on many fronts, who fell afoul of not only the Nazis, but of the FBI. Einstein's valiant stands on social justice, racism, antisemitism, war, peace, and the Bomb barely enter public consciousness through the layers of the myth. The record of Hoover's manipulations and skullduggeries is almost pathetic in its pickiun character, next also to its bungling and misinformation. It is, for example, discouraging to watch how Einstein is deprived of security clearance, lest a man with such a reputation and global popularity be, we suspect the motive, able to influence or speak out from the inside on the use of the first atom bomb. The portrait left of the reactionary and racist Hoover at the head of a critical institution pursuing this biased and incomprehending agenda is nothing less than appalling. The portrait of Einstein's deep social concerns (read a triffle 'leftist') in action is the real man, please.

This book is just one of Lijphart's works to provide an excellent analysis of the impact of the shape of institutional structures on the behavior of political systems. A very useful read for anyone wishing to understand the new institutionalist approach to political science, as well as for anyone seeking a more particular understanding of electoral systems and the variables of such systems having a significant impact on the structure of political party systems, electoral outcomes, and legislative processes.

The best coparative study for European and pther countries electorial systems. Great!

I recently received this book and read it quite thoroughly. I was very much impressed. Most books on the subject are extremely expensive or unobtainable. And when I saw the book I was surprised by its slimness. But Farrell manages to cover the topic with surprising completeness, describing all the most important systems, giving illustrations of ballots, explanations of the counting procedure in complex systems, and generally doing a complete job.

While I have also recently read Douglas Amy's "Real Choices, New Voices," and was favorably impressed by the explanations in Amy's book, Amy's goal was to sell one particular class of voting system: proportional representation. Therefore Amy minimizes the disadvantages of PR and emphasizes its advantages. While Farrell has his favorite system (and it is one of Amy's preferred systems, as well as one I like), he only mentions it near the very end; Farrell's book is much more impartial and leaves it to the reader to evaluate the various electoral systems, an approach that I prefer.

I very much recommend this book.

This is the best recent overview of comparative election systems accessible to a general readership. It contains information and comparisons that are very hard to come by elsewhere in the political science literature.

It's a good "first stop" for anyone needing an analytical overview of the election systems of the democratic world.

This book provides a great deal of insight into the impact polling and the internet have/can have on our political processes. One of his most important points is: what good does it do to have a public who can participate in the process on a whim and with ease when that public is still not educated about the issues involved? These are issues we should all be concerned about and carefully consider as the internet in particular grows in importance to us and to our political participation. Is this trend towards reliance on the media, instant polling, internet feedback really a good thing? This book provides us with the tools to find the answer ourselves. A great, thought provoking book who's issues should be carefully weighed as we consider voting over the internet and reliance upon public opinion polls.

Few books on "wired" subjects focus as intensely as this one on the content of electronic media and its impact on democracy. Grossman gives compelling suggestions for reinvigorating democracy by improving the delivery of information and the involvement of citizens through electornic communications. Very well-written and instructive with plenty of suggestions for further reading. Fascinating review of the parallel history of democracy and the media in this country, as well as the earliest democractic institutions in ancient Athens.

Over a hundred years ago William Jennings Bryan delivered his famous "Cross of Gold" speech at the Democratic National Convention in a voice that was heard throughout the hall without any electronic amplification. But now we live in an age of microphones and Teleprompters, and as Kathleen Hall Jamieson points out in "Eloquence in an Electronic Age," political speaking in the United States has been radically transformed. Now presidents are remembered not for great speeches but rather for memorable sound bites. In fact, John F. Kennedy's inaugural address has now effectively been transformed into a single line ("Ask not...").

Jamieson looks at successful public rhetoric from the Greeks to Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan (the paradigm for the new eloquence), but also, and equally important, the problems of less successful communicators such as Lyndon Johnson, Gerald Ford, and Jimmy Carter. The historical examples and rhetorical analysis is to establish the concept of political eloquence, what it is and well and what it is not, and how our concept of it has changed (and remained the same). After all, when George H. W. Bush lost his reelection bid to Bill Clinton, you had those who distrusted Bush's ability to lead because of his problems with crafting a coherent sentence when speaking off the top of his head and those who feared Clinton's leadership because he was so convincing speaking off the cuff. Jamieson wants to know if television has changed our concept of eloquence so that audiences we are no longer receptive to eloquence in the way they were in the past, or whether it is just a convenient scapegoat for other influences.

Ultimately, Jamieson argues that "the old eloquence of fire and sword has given way to an intimate disclosive art bent on conciliation, not conquest." The things taught to Cicero and Churchill that allowed them to be so eloquent are no longer taught in schools. Meanwhile, we have learned that images on television of civil rights protestors being attacked by guard dogs and fire hose or American soldiers dying in Vietnam are more potent than any words spoken by elected officials. In the final analysis, Jamieson explains not only what "Eloquence in an Electronic Age" is, but also the whys and wherefores. This is a valuable book for anyone studying contemporary political rhetoric.

More than a decade after its publication, this book remains a excellent read on how the rise of first radio, then television, as preferred channels of political speech-making went hand-in-hand with changes in speaking style. Unlike many discussions of the impact of television, Dr. Jamieson's approach is far less interested in condemning the rise of the visual than in exploring what kinds of strategies work with television. It's a pity there isn't a later edition that brings the history of political speaking into the internet age.

Lo que describe Alvarito, es ni más ni menos que la verdad. Este chico ha salido igual que se padre. Bueno todavía le falta mucho, pero va por buen camino.

This novel is a radiography of the convulsed 1990s Peru where several people for necessity, conviction or personal ambitions chose an ideology or political posture because of the economic, political and social crisis of this South American country. Terrorism, espionage, counterespionage, execution of opponents, corruption and treason are some of the activities that must of the people cited in this book - some real figures of the regime or opposition, some fiction figures - are forced to do to reach their goals