Governments

This is a readable, biblically based economic analysis of how and why governmental anti-poverty programs and policies have often produced the opposite of what they intended. The author shows the illogic of most of the usual poverty remedies, including government-mandated redistribution, minimum-wage laws, governmental job training programs, rent control or other housing policies, and governmental foreign aid. He sharply but accurately describes how government has mandated a pathetic level of education, and maps out the road to recovery.

Have used Eric's ideas in classes and he has helped me greatly in developing and honing my own ideas about public policy.

This book challenges all perspectives on government in the U.S. Very thought provoking and at times upsetting. Makes the reader want to become involved in eradicated the unfairness, and inefficiencies of today's society.

I very strongly recommend this book to fellow Western Australians. It details how and why our State Government is currently lying to us about how and why Western Power is to be 'reformed'. The section on electricity privatisation in Australia is one of the most detailed and thorough in this detailed and thorough book and deserves very careful reading. In general, this book demolishes many myths about how globalisation and capitalism are supposed to work and explains clearly how modern economic management really works. Enron was the highest mark of that system, and this book explains how and why it made so much money, and how so much money was made by the rich and lost by others in its collapse.

Hegel once remarked that the only thing people learn from history is that people have learned nothing from history. To that end, the philosopher no doubt would have been intrigued by Sharon Beder's outstanding book "Power Play." In it, the author shows how the neo-liberal ideologies and financial self-interests that once conspired to create chaos in the electric power industry in the 1930s have been resurrected in our own time to produce similarly disastrous results. Importantly, her analysis helps us understand what needs to be done to restore order to an out-of-control system that garners most of its profits at the public's expense.

In my estimation, Sharon Beder has established herself as one of the most articulate critics of corporate power. As a Professor of Social Sciences, Media and Communications in Australia, Ms. Beder has demonstrated in prior books such as "Global Spin" a remarkable knack for deconstructing propaganda and uncovering the agendas that are often hidden behind corporate messages. I found "Power Play" to be a carefully reasoned, well-supported and convincing piece of research that makes for compelling reading.

The book is divided into five sections. The first deals with the history of power politics in the U.S. for most of the 20th century. We learn how private interests used the media and political influence to promote deregulation, and how the industry's eventual implosion was a major contributing factor in the stock market crash of 1929 and subsequent Great Depression. The second section discusses the push to deregulate in the latter part of the century to the present day. We see how legislation enacted in the 1930s to protect against corporate abuse was eventually rolled back, which in turn set the stage for companies like Enron to suffer a fate similar to that which befell Samuel Insull's energy empire in the 1930s.

The third, fourth and fifth sections deal with deregulation in Britain, Australia and other parts of the world. The global perspective provided by Ms. Beder is useful. Clearly, ideology and financial interests have been the driving forces behind the privatization agenda; interestingly, we learn that the outcomes in various locales have been remarkably similar. Ms. Beder relates how large corporations are often able to exercise market power in order to extort unusually large fees from their customers. The winners are large industrial users and the banks, investors and consultants working on behalf of the energy companies. The losers include taxpayers, farmers, the poor, small businesses and the environment.

In my opinion, although "Power Play" does not explicitly tie the economic inefficiencies of the deregulated power industry with the current economic downturn, it provides ample evidence that the crisis in the power industry significantly contributes to job loss and siphons capital from other productive sectors of the economy. For example, the author explains that privatized energy companies often cut payrolls in order to boost bottom-line profits. Ms. Beder also shows how obscene profits earned by a few large corporations such as Enron often act as a drag on local economies. The leading example of course is California, where escalating prices forced many businesses to shut down. Moreover, the payments that the state was forced to make to greedy suppliers during the energy crisis easily exceeds the state's current budget deficit, causing hardship for many.

Interestingly, "Power Play" was completed prior to the 2003 blackout in the U.S. and Canada. This unfortunate event validates Ms. Beder's work. The author points out that the dynamics of an unregulated market and the quest for instant profits provides a disincentive for producers to maintain equipment and transmission lines, resulting in more frequent failures and service disruptions. Ms. Beder goes on to point out that the expense and risk associated with added capacity is increasingly borne by the public even while profits accrue to private interests; this assertion also appears to have been prescient, as witnessed by the huge subsidies that the U.S. government has recently proposed to pay for upgrades to the country's electric grid for the benefit of many privately-held energy producers.

By cutting through the smokescreen of self-serving corporate propaganda, "Power Play" serves as a wakeup call for citizens everywhere. It helps us understand how we might be able to reverse this trend for the better before more damage is inflicted on us all.

Beder has written the indispensable account of why the American electric power industry is in extreme disarray. This is an account of deregulation, Enron, artificial prices and gross exploitation. It is the book of the moment: timely and relevant to the electric blackouts of August 2003, easy to understand, and really essential. Extremely informative.

Preferential policies based on ethnicty/race have been around for decades and have been used in many cultures. Thomas Sowell does an excellend job of bringing toghether a history of such programs.

In the first part of the book, Sowell deals with results of preferential policies. He looks at such issues as majority preferences in majority economies (such as the treatment of minority groups in America and Nazi Germany), majority preferences in minority economies (such as north Nigerians in Nigeria, Sinhalese in Sri Lanka and Maharashtrians in the Indian state of Maharashtra), and minority preferences in majority economies such as preferential policies towards 'untouchables' in India and minorities in America.

The second portion of Sowell's book deals with the illusins of ppreferential policies such as pitfalls in the agruments and why such programs have not been sucessful as they had planned on being such as creating violence/increating tensin between groups and the ability of such programs to be successful.

Preferential policies are those that treat citizens differently under the law. Sowell analyzes problems of nationality, class, ethnicity, gender, etc. under the umbrella of preferential treatment. His research demonstrates that these seemingly disparate issues share many things in common.

Sowell analyzes preferential policies from a global and causal persepctive. When preferential policies are implemented across many different countries, Sowell raises three questions. First, What "problem" do preferential policies seek to redress? Second, what intended and unintended consequences arise after implementation? Finally, Do preferential policies acheieve their intended effect? Or do they merely aggravate the situation?

These policies usually arise out of "good intentions," whereby one group seeks to equalize their outcome by changing the law to their preference. (For an excellent discussion of equal outcomes vs. equal processes, see Sowell's A Quest For Cosmic Justice) His research shows that whenever countries employ preferential policies, the intended objectives are never met. Second, the unintended consequences usually involve violent backlash, group conflict, and civil war. Finally, using an economic analysis of race, Sowell explains that since preferential policies are inefficient, they usually end in widespread economic disaster.

Sowell identifies three types of preferential policies, which are then analyzed using the three aforementioned questions. The first type of preferential policy occurs when the majority has more legal rights than the minority. (e.g. Malays and Chinese) The second occurs when the minority has more legal rights than the majority. (e.g. South Africa) The third, and perhaps the worst, occurs when one group has more legal rights than an equally large second group. (e.g. The Tamils and Sinhalis in Sri Lanka)

This book is a shattering indictment of political collectivism. Group rights (a clearly contradictory notion), which are the consequences of preferential policies, have failed all over the world. The normative message is clear: the United States would be wise to avoid the path of Rwandas, Malasyas, and Sri Lankas by eschewing the collectivist nightmares that come as a consequence of preferential policies.

In 1990 the Indian Government precipitated riots and episodes of self-immolation with a promise to provide more university places and public service jobs for the lower caste 'untouchables'. Readers of "Preferential Policies" will not find these events surprising because they have happened before in other countries following the introduction of preference policies. Perhaps the most tragic example is the civil war in Sri Lanka.

This book is a historical and comparative study of the strong form of affirmative action whereby the members of supposedly deprived or under-privileged groups become the beneficiaries of government-mandated preferences. These set aside the principles of merit and freedom of choice so that different individuals are no longer judged by the same criteria or subjected to the same procedures.

Sowell describes the various patterns of behaviour and outcomes generated by preferential policies of different kinds. These include preferences for the economically dominant group (South Africa and the old US deep south), majority preferences in economies dominated by minorities (Malaysia, Sri Lanka,) and minority preferences in economies dominated by the majority (contemporary USA and India). The second part of the book explores the errors and muddled thinking which keep preferential policies in place even when they fail to produce the desired effects. Indeed, the very failure of policies which were supposed to be limited and temporary often leads to stronger preference initiatives.

Prior to Sowell's research it appears that hardly anyone paid systematic attention to the gap between the rhetoric and the reality of preference policies. Nor had anybody noticed the depressing similarity in the pattern of events which Sowell records all around the world. Generally the demand for preferential policies comes from well educated, 'new class' members of supposedly disadvantaged groups. The same people also become the main beneficiaries of preference policies which tend to further disadvantage the majority of their bretheren. This was clearly demonstrated in Malaysia where the gap between rich and poor Malays widened in the wake of preference policies for ethnic Malays. A leading advocate of preference conceded the evidence but claimed that the poor Malays preferred to be exploited by their own people.

The most destructive result of preference policies is the polarization of whole societies, as in Sir Lanka, Nigeria (with the attempted Ibo breakaway movement to form Biafra) and some Indian states. The Sri Lankan experience is especially instructive because at the time of independence the Tamil minority and the Sinhalese majority lived side by side in harmony despite their different religions and languages and despite the greater educational and commercial advancement of a section of the Tamils. The elites of both groups tended to be English speaking, mixed freely with each other and were committed to non-sectarian policies. All this changed with one demagogue, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. English-speaking, Christian and Oxford-educated, he became a champion of the Sinhalese language, Budhism and preferential treatment for Sinhalese. This resulted in an upset electoral victory for his party in 1956, followed by legislation to make Sinhalese the official language, restriction of the leading teacher-training college to Sinhalese only, and the first of many bloody race riots directed against the Tamils. The downward spiral continued as radical Sinhalese elements demanded stronger forms of preference and groups of Tamils launched a violent secession movement.

If preferential policies do not work, then what is to be done to overcome prejudice and discrimination against particular groups? One way is to rely on market forces backed up by the slow and steady effects of education and example. Of course this process is far too slow and unexciting to satisfy people who would happily see blood shed to realise their dreams. However the power of market forces in this context is that prejudice is free but discrimination has a price. Sowell reports that the streetcar operators in many Southern cities initially defied the 'Jim Crow' legislation that required segregated transport. Something similar has come about in South Africa after some generations of apartheid enabled the 'poor whites' to rise above the black masses, so that some of the Africaners reached the business class.

'Some of the principal beneficiaries of apartheid became its critics, now that their new role as employers forced them to confront the costs of discrimination. The rise of influential business interests within the ruling Nationalist Party has been partly responsible for the slow but widespread erosion of apartheid that began in the 1970s'.

Australia only receives a brief mention as a country where preferential policies 'are still at the stage of optimistic predictions.' If the lessons of this book are assimilated they will remain in that situation. Affirmative action has not yet taken the form of quotas or positive discrimination on a significant scale. Entry to employment and progression on the job are still supposed to reflect merit, and anti-discrimination policies are designed to eliminate unfair hiring and promotion practices. In the US a recent buzzword is 'managing diversity' which means tapping the full potential of all workers in the firm. The aim is to eliminate the confrontational and coercive elements of affirmative action and build a co-operative and creative culture in the workplace.

Turning from the historical record of preferential policies, Sowell examines some of the ideas which support them. He describes these as the illusions of control, knowledge, morality and compensation. Hovering behind them all is one of the great superstitions of modern times, namely the doctrine of Salvation by Political Action. If only people can have the vote, obtain national self-determination, be free of colonial rule etc then utopia is at hand. However one of the great advances in modern politics was the achievement of limited government, and this was essentially a pre-democratic development. This is not to deride the institutions of Parliamentary democracy, merely to warn that they are under increasing strain from the expectations that are placed on State activity (such as preference policies).

Syl Sobel has taken a complicated subject and made it understandable and interesting for the elementary school student. This book is easy to read, with short chapters and filled with a ton of information. It also includes a lot of fun facts that everyone will enjoy about different presidents, their wives and some of our more interesting elections. A wonderful resource with a glossary, index and bibliography.

This is an educational and fun book that could not have come at a better time! My family and I have enjoyed reading about the complex election process, which the author explains in a clear and enjoyable style.

This is an Awesome book about presidential Elections! The interesting facts are fascinating and are about things you never have heard of before. Syl Sobel is my neighbor. CHECK OUT HIS BOOK!

As noted by Arthur Helton, refugees matter. However, they matter not only for humanitarian reasons but also because they are intimately tied to questions of national and strategic interest. By extending the argument beyond the realm of humanitarian charity, Helton effectively makes the case for state intervention in the field and elevates scholarship in the realm of refugee studies.

Moreover, the perspective of The Price of Indifference is a fresh one. Addressing crises from Africa to Afghanistan, Turkey to East Timor and Haiti to the former USSR, his work constitutes a comprehensive account of a decade that was perhaps the most dynamic one in recent memory. And from a discussion of the Cold War models of humanitarian action to the "Mogadishu syndrome" and the CNN effect, Helton covers the prevailing dynamics of all periods. What is more, the book goes so far as to model potential futures depending on which prevailing ideology is adopted (e.g., cooperation or containment).

Not only does the book discuss shortfalls in the national system of humanitarian action (calling for a new separate civilian agency, the Agency for Humanitarian Action), but it also entails a discussion of the international system and its inability to effectively mediate refugee-related crises. In doing so, Helton makes the case for new institutional structures (e.g., the Strategic Humanitarian and Research Entity, or SHARE) which effectively consolidate the fragmented humanitarian components in the UN system.

As we know, the Cold war changed responses to refugee and migration emergencies in fundamental ways. Yet, for all we do know, there is no single answer. Rather, a more varied and comprehensive "policy toolbox" is required. To be helpful, policy needs to be more proactive so that "international coordination" and a "preventive orientation" replace the "selective apathy" and "creeping trepidation" that currently animate refugee responses.

No longer can states hide behind the out-dated Westphalian notion of absolute sovereignty. Rather, certain concerns are obligations erga omnes and the concern of all those within the international community. As a result, a significant attention and backing is given to humanitarian intervention (and its reform).

As Helton notes, recent experience teaches us that expectations should be modest. Yet with a thorough review like the Price of Indifference, one cannot help but hope for a better future for refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide.

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

Every notable disaster of the past century -- war, famine, civil unrest, earthquake and ecological catastrophe -- has resulted in the massive displacement of people within and across borders of their home countries. The June 7, 2002 New York Times reported that 14.9 million civilians were driven from their countries by war alone last year, and an additional 22 million people uprooted within their countries. It is a natural phenomenon in its own right, yet there has never been a systematic or comprehensive approach to anticipate, gather resources (both financial and intellectual) and make available workable solutions to this devastating predicament. This universal lack of foresight has taken its toll on untold numbers of refugees; some of whom waste years of their lives in flight or languish in refugee camps fearing for their safety, struggling for mere survival; while others achieve the relative fortune of starting their lives over in a new environment.

Now, the reader with even a passing interest in the plight of these unfortunate wanderers, and the expert alike, can explore an extraordinary trove of information on refugee policy and a startling new solution to this monumental problem. THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE: Refugees and Humanitarian Action in the New Century, by Arthur C. Helton, sets forth a concise modern history of refugee crises and the structural mechanisms and varied policies that have emerged for dealing with them. Helton depicts numerous strategies such as temporary protection, safe havens, asylum, evacuation, humanitarian corridors, resettlement, internal protection and repatriation, explaining why States have chosen some "solutions" over others as well as revealing the lapsed policy of states that have chosen to remain uninvolved. By analyzing diverse crises of the last decade in Bosnia, Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, Kosovo, and Rwanda, Helton reveals the full array of policy tools and astoundingly problematic realities of managing refugees.

With an uncanny ability to capture the big picture, Helton also evokes vivid, personally observed details of a wide range of specific refugee crises, often in poetic terms. This book gives you the insider's view of what refugees actually experience:

It was a late Sunday evening in November 2000 when our plane landed in Nairobi, Kenya. As I walked on the runway through the sultry air to the airport arrival hall, I became an unintended witness to the conclusion of the infamous journey of the 'lost boys of Sudan', some of whom I had visited in 1993 at the Kakuma refugee camp in northwestern Kenya. There, a remnant of some 17,000 children had come to rest after fleeing in 1988 from fighting in Sudan to Ethiopia, where they were attacked again after the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam fell in 1991. This prompted a harrowing 600-mile trek by foot to Kenya, with many dying from attacks by wild animals and exposure.
p. 183.

In Helton's words, "[a]t the outset of the twenty-first century, the policy debate is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation." He reveals rationales for employing the various options including political motivations, notions of sovereignty, and practicality, among others. With a comprehensive overview of policy options that have been employed in recent history, their successes and failures, Helton envisions putting an end to such inevitable recurring suffering.

Unsatisfied with unpremeditated, unsystematic and less than ideal solutions that spring, almost ad hoc from crises as they arise, Helton offers a striking proposal for two organizations dedicated to assembling resources and a base of experts to anticipate, prevent and ameliorate future predicaments - one inside the U.S. government, and one internationally-based. While some may bemoan a proposal for new agencies, Helton's suggestion is innovative for the policy underlying these proposed organizations: a vehicle for prevention of mass displacement and for proactive, anticipatory mitigation when prevention is impossible or inappropriate. The new national security and foreign policy agenda he presents reflects his heartfelt and lifelong quest for states, organizations and individuals to view the protection of refugees as an obligation to humanity; an obligation that merits foresight.

Arthur C. Helton, one of the world's top experts on refugees and the migration of displaced persons, is Senior Fellow for Refugee Studies and Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. He previously directed the Refugee Project of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights for twelve years and has written more than 80 scholarly articles on refugee and migration subjects. Helton's book will educate and fascinate policy makers, statesmen, relief workers, and humanitarians, as well as advocates for refugees and enthusiasts of migration, foreign policy, history, diplomacy, politics, and human rights. This comprehensive volume poses important questions and will undoubtedly take its place among the seminal literature devoted to the topic.

In The Rainy Season, Wilentz leads the reader through the world of Haiti and its people, both those who are corrupt and those who struggle each day against corruption. I will visit Haiti for the 6th time this summer but I have not previously read anything in-depth about Haitian history. This book opened my eyes to essential information that every traveller to Haiti should be aware of, out of respect to the violent history of Haiti and the people who have survived through it. No one should attempt to "help" the Haitian people without first understanding the results of "help" already rendered in the past. Wilentz makes these (often tragic) results clear, and humbles all of us in the process.

If you have gone to Haiti, or will go to Haiti, whether as a missionary, journalist, diplomat, or foreign aid worker, don't go ignorant. Read The Rainy Season (and more recent publications as well) first.

If you are trying to figure out the muddle that is Haitian political history, this book can help. Covering Haiti from the fall of Baby Doc until early 1989, Willentz gives a close-up look at the parade of dictators and terrorists running the (in theory) post-Duvalier country. She also provides a personal connection to Aristide, then a radical priest continually in hiding from a government wishing to silence him.

In addition to the internal political movements and terrorism, Willentz shows us the ties between Haiti's troubles and the United States. If you are not familiar with American policy in regard to Haiti, you will be in for a disappointing and infuriating surprise. We sucked!

The book also covers the standards to be found in every book on Haiti: voodoo, illiteracy, slave revolution rememberings, hunger, poverty, exploitation, class and racial imbalances.

Perhaps its greatest asset is the datedness of the text. Written after Duvalier and before Aristide, the view of both is fairly unbiased. If you want to learn more about Haiti's past, present and future, you should check this one out.

I just finished reading a copy of this book I found in a second-hand store. It's too bad it is out of print, because it is brilliant. It covers the period from 1986 to 1989, so it is a bit out of date -- a lot has happened in Haiti since then. But it remains relevant because it paints a vivid portrait of how challenging it is to change Haiti, something that remains true today. If you can find it, read it.

Meredith did a fantastic job decribing where GenXer are coming from and where we are most likely going. The fact that she is an Xer herself gives her the insight to bring us this well researched and comprehensive masterpiece. It is a must read for rising star GenXers. It provides a reality check on many of the social and political issues that we Xers have been ignoring, but will one day have to face as we resume control of the country.

This book describes Generation X people who will be most of your customers, competitors and leaders,especially in the High Tech. They witnessed the downzisings of the 1980s..and today they can decide the future. This book shows their enthusiasm in a wide spectrum of activities.. In one word, how they are rationally exuberant.

In a clear, concise, and down to earth writing style, Meredith Bagby attacks the generation-x slacker label. With countless examples, Ms. Bagby details the influence that gen-x'ers have had on the economy to-date. More importantly, Rational Exuberance provides inspiration for ever member of gen-x to make a positive impact on society.

The United States of American has over the last ten years developed a strategy of increasing the average prison sentences for a range of crimes. The mechanics of this process are complex. The reason being that each state and the Federal Government have distinct criminal law systems. To summarise a large number of states have been passing laws which remove judicial discretion from sentencing substituting a range of fixed sentences for various forms of crime. These can either be three strikes and your in legislation, mandatory sentences for specific crimes or sentencing grid legislation. The Federal Government has also been waging the "war on drugs". The overall effect of this legislation is for the prison population to increase enormously and especially for afro Americans to be incarcerated in large numbers. The imprisonment rate in the States is similar to that of countries such as Russia and South Africa, places which have experienced social break down to an extent that it dwarfs America.

This book is a strong argument for changing the structure of criminal justice in America. It is largely a statistical analysis and as such it presents material in a dispassionate way. It is not a rhetorical book of left leaning propaganda but a book that looks at hard facts. The rate of imprisonment is now so high that the authors suggest that if imprisonment rates were to be reduced to European levels the unemployment rate could increase by 1% or 2%. The cost of imprisonment in most states is so high that it is outdistancing higher education. The pressure of constructing prisons and maintaining them is that it is limiting the ability of some states to cover normal expenses. California has had to reduce some welfare and highway construction.

The authors present a strong case for how these policies impact unfairly on different racial groups. One of the more chilling sets of figures are the rates of imprisonment for Afro Americans. The authors show that of the age group 20 to 30 1/3 of Afro Americans are either in jail, on parole or on probation.

Most commentators have suggested that the current system instead of punishing more violent offenders tends instead to give long prison terms to low level offenders who have reasonable prospects of reform. A change to non custodial options plus lessening some offences for minor crime could lessen the cost to the community with more or less no real change in the incidence of offending.

The book is thought provoking well argued and easy to read. A must read for all in the field.

This is a very important book. It should be required reading for all Congressmen and Senators, both federal and State. The situation it depicts will wreak havoc on the fabric of American society, unless corrected. The book not only points at the most pressing problems in our system of criminal justice, but also offers intelligent and powerful recipes for action. Should be also required reading for all colleges of criminal justice. Balanced, objective, yet full of passion for justice and for the America we all love, want and deserve. A must for true patriots.

This well-written and easy-read of a book is a must for anyone who is even remotely interested in thestate of crime and criminal justice in America. The book lays out the past, present and future of crime policy in easy to understand prose. the book takes on all of the hard issues and addresses them clearly and objectively. This book not only defines the issues, it also lays out great ideas for solving some of the big problems in crime. Enjoy.

I have read this book over and over again. The more I read the more I find myself talking about it to our Political and community Leaders. This book is a must for leaders with a vision for the community in their rural areas. I have started community projects as a result of reading the book. John Macharia Director, Insight Technologies Ltd. Nairobi, Kenya.

This book should inspire anyone who feels that our government is no longer capable of making a positive difference. It traces the development of a citizens' lobby on hunger and poverty issues and details the incredible results the group achieved. Buy one for the armchair activist in your life

This is the story of RESULTS, a NON-partisan grassroots, citizens lobbying group that fights hunger, poverty and death due to preventable disease by learning how to successfully create relationships with members of Congress and the media. They have helped the Child Survival fund come into being and grow to $600 million, and have seen a drop in infant mortality and increases in immunizations. They work on global and domestic issues, and are now promoting microenterprise lending to poor families, mostly to women. The results of the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, and other microenterprise projects in the U.S. and abroad have been remarkable. And these are "everyday" people... teachers, moms, workers, students...very moving book!!!

"Restoring the Dream" goes far beyond its predecessor, "Contract With America." It talks in-depth about the accomplishments and minor failures of the then new Congress, and how the Clinton Administration will handle the bills passed by Congress. Each bill, representing the ten points outlined in "Contract With America," is followed with a detailed summary of why Congress believes the given bill is needed. Of some interest is, term limits, the Presidential line item veto, the Taking Back Our Streets Act, and the need for National Missile Defense. In an almost "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington"-esque style, Newt Gingrich went to Washington to take down the bad guys, bureaucrats. We all know their kind. Those who spend years upon years walking the corridors of the Capitol Building, out of touch with their voters and hometown, and seeing every event in a political sense. They are greedy, self-serving opportunists with no regard for the rest of America. The only solution to ridding Congress of these people is through term limits. "Restoring the Dream" talks of why Representatives should be limited to 4 terms in the House, and why Senators should be limited to 2 terms in the Senate. Interestingly enough, Congressional Republicans felt strongly about enacting a Presidential line item veto, even with a completely incompetent President, Bill Clinton. They knew it was in the best interest of the country and for the progress of democracy to quickly enact such legislation. They did. For those not acquainted with the concept of line item veto, it is when the President gives a warm reception to a bill passed by Congress, but finds one minor flaw and ends up having to veto the entire bill. With line item veto power, a President can veto certain mandates in a given bill, but still pass the bill in its modified form. This means more can get done for the people of America, and less partisan bickering on Capitol Hill. Urban areas have been deteriorating rapidly sense Lyndon B. Johnson's proclamation of his "Great Society" in the mid 1960s. Murders, drugs, gangs, and robberies have become all too common in America's largest cities. The Taking Back Our Streets Act addresses such concerns. Children must be taught at an early age that they are responsible for their behavior and punishments do follow for inappropriate or violent behavior. They need to grasp the American Dream and understand that they too, can contribute a great deal to society. Without such education, violence in our urban areas is inevitable. The Taking Back Our Streets Act stops crime in our cities dead in its tracks. Iraq, Iran, North Korea, and Sudan are just some nations attempting to obtain or already possessing nuclear missiles. The threat grows rapidly with each passing day, and the US currently has no system to protect its soil from a nuclear attack. National Missile Defense is a must for the modern and unpredictable world that we live in. The legislation mentioned in this book became the National Missile Defense Act of 1999, passed by both chambers of Congress, and signed into law by President Clinton.

Even thought this book is five years old, it's intriguing to see how the plan by the House Republicans actually came to be and how successful it was in transforming America. Their main objective was to improve conditions for families, create an opportunity society, and balance the budget. In my opinion, they succeeded at all three, and then some. Through emphasizing personal responsibility, trusting the individual, and placing power back in the hands of state and local authorities did the Republicans promote their message that large, inefficient government was useless and harmful and that decentralization truly epitomizes compassionate conservatism. Now that we have a balanced budget, welfare reform, lower crime, and booming economy, the GOP can take credit for the work they performed to make these unattainable goals during Democrat-run Congresses a reality. These men and women proved that lower taxation, deregulation, limited government, and faith in the local community can make the American dream possible.

I didn't used to believe the rhetoric leveled against President Clinton regarding his "borrowing" of conservative issues for political gain. But now I understand where such accusations come from. This book was written in 1995, after the new Republican Majority (104th Congress) finished its first 100 days of marathon legislation in order to fulfill its Contract With America (documented in another book). Restoring the Dream is an outline of the next steps in the Republican Plan to remake Government. The book begins by enumerating the success of the first 100 days of the Contract and devotes the remainder of the book to elaborating on new pledges for further reform. To say that such a plan is (was) bold would be an understatement. I have gained new respect for the Republican Party after reading this book and it has called into question the common conservative stereotypes. Unless this book is a cruel hoax and I'm a dupe, I believe that the Republican Party genuinely wishes to ensure that all Americans have an equal opportunity to succeed and to achieve the American Dream. In retrospect, it is a shame that Republicans were demonized and maligned by the establishment, having to endure accusations that simply do not coincide with the proposals outlined in this book. And while this book is certainly "dated" by now, it is instructive to see how much the Republicans have actually delivered on their pledges and promises - especially on welfare reform and a balanced budget. I recommend this book to every American interested in understanding the forces that are shaping America's future.