Governments

Mr. Philip Hamburger (per the book jacket) has been a staff writer for The New Yorker since 1939 or 62 years. Writing for The New Yorker is an accomplishment in itself, I have read of no one who has written for the New Yorker for the duration that Mr. Hamburger has. After all these decades one would expect that he would be a man of strong opinions which would entrench him at some point on the Political Yardstick. Any concern about partisanship is dismissed when he scorns the concepts of left and right, and suggests, "common sense, decency, and the better angels of our nature", should be what governs the thoughts of people.

The Author is remarkable for many accomplishments, however his history of having attended every Inauguration since FDR'S First, and missing only FDR'S Third and Fourth is remarkable. These events serve as milestones in his life as he viewed his first from the branches of a tree, and as time passed became a guest at a variety of distinguished functions that he tends to bring down to earth and into focus.

Readers will come away from reading the wisdom this man has accumulated over half a century with different experiences based on what he chose to include in this book, and how he treated the topics. He is a remarkable writer that would attend and observe and then write of his encounters with Washington's major events, or a private gathering with a Mayor, and then write a reflection of the topic and its relevance without discoloring it with personal prejudice. He is clearly an admirer of some of his subjects such as Judge Learned Hand, however after you read his 1946 story about this jurist and orator, you too may find you have a new individual you admire, and have been introduced to a speech that is as powerful as any given in our Country's History.

This is the Author's 8th book and I hope there are more. Perhaps a collection of his work will be forthcoming, for if it is all as good or nearly good as this small collection, a marvelous piece of history it would make.

The subtitle suggests that Hamburger offers a "political excursion" and indeed he does, enabling his reader to tag along with him as he attends national political conventions and Presidential inaugurations, beginning in 1948. Along the way, he shares his reactions to (and in some instances, his direct encounters with) various major political figures such as Fiorello LaGuardia, William O'Dwyer, Harry Truman, Thomas Dewey, Dwight Eisenhower, Joseph McCarthy, Robert Wagner, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and Bill Clinton. My personal favorites are those passages in which he shares his thoughts and feelings about Learned Hand, Dean Acheson, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt (in "retrospective"). Most of these essays originally appeared in The New Yorker. Perhaps you read those when they were first published. They are even more enjoyable to read now, especially within the sequence of presentation in this book. What adds substantially to the reader's pleasure is the high quality of Hamburger's writing style which is, in my opinion, places him in the company of George Orwell and E.B. White. Hamburger has a delicious sense of humor and a keen eye for significant detail. Within his commentaries on various world leaders, he is never reluctant to share his own strong opinions about a given subject such as "McCarthyism."

Please allow me a rather personal way in which to express my appreciation of this book. As I read it, I felt as if Hamburger and I had just completed dinner and adjourned to the living room with a beverage in hand. "As you look back over all those years and reflect on all those experiences, what are your most vivid memories of the people you observed? Which moments remain indelible? From today's perspective, what do you make of all that?" Obviously, this is a hypothetical situation but his responses can be found in this immensely entertaining as well as informative book.

In the final chapter, "Postscript: Vermeer Time", Hamburger discusses his great good fortune (in the spring of 1996) in being able to see the Vermeer exhibition at the National Gallery where he was greeted by Arthur K. Wheelock, the museum's curator of northern baroque paintings and co-curator of the exhibition. He shares his reactions, especially to "View of Delft" which he observed intently for "an embarrassingly long time." Here is how he concludes the chapter and the book: "Dreams must end. Back to the Metroliner and the reality of Gotham.. But, as the train left Union Station, there, on the right, under a lowering sky, and a patch of sunlight on a row of houses, I saw, for a glorious moment, an instance of Vermeer time." Those fortunate to read this book rejoice in having shared such a generous portion of "Hamburger time."

This is a terrific collection of short and medium-length pieces that are wise, witty, and thoroughly absorbing. It deserves all of the praise it has earned.

Hamburger is a lifelong Democrat. He is old enough to remember fascism's disastrous effects on the world, and wise enough to have no patience for its contemporary apologists, although he is good at describing them. He is deeply humane and deeply ethical - along with being a wonderful storyteller. He is very, very smart, and has a great ability to listen, to watch, and to get to know people. In a quiet and subtle way, he is wholly present. These are some of the abilities that are at the heart of his writing.

He has been at it, "warily," (his adverb) for a comparatively long time. In his Prologue he offers some interesting autobiographical material. This collection begins with a piece written in 1943, and the most recent is from 1993. He reports on his fourteenth inauguration, and that he had to skip two of FDR's. Students of American politics of the '40's, '50's, and '60's will not be disappointed. "Lonely Day," a short, atmospheric piece about voting for President in 1960, and "One Man's Vote," written in 1992, are two of many pieces that in 2001 seem nearly prescient. In the second one there is some suspense regarding election day, a crisis regarding broken voting machines, and, in this instance, a happy ending. The machines are fixed and voting resumes. Democracy prevails. "One man" votes. This event had deep meaning, and the reader knows it.

An April 1970 piece "Hand on Cardozo," quotes then-Nebraska Senator Roman L. Hruska's public defense - against charges of mediocrity - of Judge Harold Carswell, President Nixon's nominee to the US Supreme Court. Nixon: " Even if he were mediocre, there are a lot of mediocre judges and people and lawyers, and they are entitled to a little representation, aren't they?"

In addition to being smart and colorful political reportage, his pieces also form a series of lessons on how to write. I can't imagine students not learning from him. Whether it's the grape juice that a public figure happens to be drinking, or the atmosphere of City Hall in NYC Mayor LaGuardia's administration (" ..the Hall seemed electric. Secretaries addressed one another hurriedly, the way spies talk in Hitchcock movies." ), he can distill and enlarge - to great effect. Finally, there is a jewel-like piece on seeing the Vermeer show ("I slipped down on the Metroliner") at the National Gallery in Washington, in 1996.

This is a great collection and thoroughly worthwhile.

Meticulously documented scholarly treatises are supposed to be dull. Not this time. In making his case for ending our government's 25-year war against drugs, Stephen Young has written a book that is fascinating, shocking, frustrating, heartbreaking, sometimes downright horrifying - but never dull.

Young tells us that dozens of attempts to eradicate the use of drugs have been documented throughout the ages - including executions of tobacco users in 17th century Russia. All of them failed.

Lest you think that we have become wiser and more civilized in recent times, Young points out that as recently as 1989, William Bennett, the nation's drug czar at the time, while appearing on the "Larry King Live" show agreed with a caller who suggested that drug dealers be beheaded

In such a climate, Young argues, it is not hard to understand how our civil liberties have been among the first casualties of the drug war with mandatory harsh sentences for drug users, resulting in the overcrowding of our prison system. The eighth amendment is supposed to stop "cruel and unusual punishment," yet we are now seeing multi-year sentences for possession of small amounts of illegal drugs.

Ever hear of Melinda George? Neither did I until I read this book. She is serving a 99-year prison sentence for the sale of one-tenth of a gram of cocaine!

To relieve the prison overcrowding caused by prisoners such as Melinda George, we have seen reduced sentences and early releases for non-drug offenders, including violent criminals. This puts career criminals back on the streets sooner, ready to commit more crimes.

Young poses the question, why does this counterproductive drug war continue? He suggests the answer: That certain powerful special interest groups benefit by its continuance, like large pharmaceutical companies that would suffer financially if certain of their drugs were forced to compete with a cheaper and more effective medicine such as marijuana.

I urge everyone to read this book!

Steve Young explains in an easy to understand format, how US drug policy is clearly responsible for everything it is supposed to prevent. The book is a treasure trove of facts, which paint a stinging indictment of America's most terrible pork-barrel disaster and exposes those who cash in at the expense of a nation, the drug war profiteers.

"Maximizing Harm" is a must read. Makes a great gift, for those who just can't seem to see through the smoke and mirrors of the drug war facade.

This is the first book I've read on this topic, and the author was able to sway me to believe that the war against drugs is not only harmfull, but worse than the actually drugs themselves. I really don't have time to write more, because I'm suppost to be writing a 5 page book report, but this book was worth every penny. It is a wide collection of data from a variety of sources and it brings up ideas that aren't even thought of in our "just say no" generation. I really wish people would take time to read a book like this, because its really easy to just sit back and think "the drug war is a neccesity" when you have the information the government keeps spewing out. The truth is that the drug war doesn't stop drug use, it increases drug use and the harm associated with it..

I'm not 100% converted, but this book has got me off to a great start. Thanks.

-Seth

Godfrey Mwakikagile has written a very important book about military coups in Africa. His focus on West Africa only enabled him to provide more details about this disturbing intrusion into politics by soldiers.

My own country, Ghana, was one of the first to fall under military rule back in February 1966 when Dr. Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown. In one of the longest and most important chapters in the book, the author provides a balanced account of military rule in Ghana, as well as a fitting tribute to Ghana's founding father President Nkrumah.

For decades since the sixties, as Mwakikagile shows in his book, many countries suffered under military dictatorship. In Ghana, Jerry Rawlings who comes from the same region I do, the Volta Region, ruled the longest. Although he did a lot of good things for the masses, he was also a harsh ruler. And no one elected him, until later. That's the point, as the author points out in his book. Soldiers do not have the mandate to rule.

And we just hope that they stop storming into office, anywhere in Africa. We are fed up with them, as much as we are with civilian tinpot dictators. And it's very good that the author has provided some of the solutions on how to discourage or stop soldiers from overthrowing governments, and also on how to get them, as well as civilian despots, out of office. And excellent book on how to use the power of the masses to achieve democracy in Africa.

I have lived under military rule in Nigeria. I know what the soldiers did. They destroyed our country. I also know what military rulers have done to other African countries, not just in West Africa. It has been a nightmare.

But what is so sad is that even the civilian rulers themselves have also destroyed our continent.The only difference is that they are elected, although in rigged elections, which is one of the reasons why soldiers overthrow governments. But the main reason why they do so is to become leaders themselves, and dictators, and thieves. It's such a shame! And an unconscionable waste of our resources.

Talk about theft? Look at Ibrahim Babangida, former Nigerian military dictator. He is one of the richest men in the world, and in history, having amassed a fortune of more than $30 billion within 8 years of his blood-soaked military dictatorship. He ruled from 1985 - 1993, and is still a major player on the Nigerian political scene even today, having bankrolled in 1999 the election of a fellow soldier, Olusegun Obasanjo, who was Nigeria's military head of state from 1979 - 1983.

Where did Babangida get all that money from? He siphoned off billions of petrodollars, and had most of it stashed away abroad, while the Ogoni and members of other nationalities (they are more than just "tribes") in the oil-producing regions of the Niger Delta got nothing. So did his successor, another tinpot military despot, Sani Abacha, who also stole billions - at least $4 billion within 5 years.

Godfrey Mwakikagile, although not a West African, has done a sweeping survey of the region and the devastation wrought by military rulers, as well as "elected" politicians, since the sixties. It is a very interesting study, even if not detailed in all cases. But that is understandable. Covering so many countries, and over such a long period of time, it would have been impossible for him to provide, in a single volume as this one, a detailed account of every military regime in West Africa during the past 40 years. The fact that he was able to focus on the major events, digest and distill all the information he was able to gather to produce such a readable and balanced account, is itself a major achievement.

But the pace at which he is going may also compromise his research. He writes at a brisk pace. He also does research at a brisk pace, based on what he has produced so far. Looking at the list of his works, he seems to have written 7 books within only three years, dealing with major subjects. There's no question that they required extensive research, and his works show that he did it. And since they are also used as college textbooks, there's no doubt that the professors who recommended them for purchase knew they were vital works. All these academics couldn't be wrong. And I believe they all made the right decision. But the writer would be well-advised to proceed with caution when tackling major themes, the kind he has, with the hope that he will provide even more valuable insights into the subjects he addresses; which he undoubtedly can, as one can tell from reading his book. It is a product of a highly analytical mind. And as a fellow African, I am proud of him.

"Military Coups in West Africa since the Sixties" is an invaluable work, choke-full of facts, and well-balanced, by one of our important African writers from Tanzania. The only criticism I have has to do with typographical errors which may even tarnish the author's reputation especially as an academic author, although this is not his fault, as anyone who knows about book publishing will tell you. The publisher should be taken to task for this, while the author should be given all the credit he's duly entitled to, for writing one of the most important books - not only about military coups, but about Africa as a whole since the sixties.

This is, to my knowledge, the first comprehensive study
of military governments in West Africa - in fact anywhere
in Africa - since independence in the sixties. Written
by an East African but who, because of his impressive
credentials and background as a journalist in Tanzania,
is no less qualified to handle the subject about West
Africa; the book is more than just a history of military
coups in West Africa. It is also a prescription for
ending military intervention in African politics, and a
call for consensus building to form governments of national
unity in order to end civil wars and unrest, and guarantee
full participation of all groups in the conduct of national
affairs, in all African countries. The corruption and
brutality of African leaders, both civilian and military,
and other abuses of power, are fully exposed in this book.
So is the involvement of the CIA in the ouster of Dr. Kwame
Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana and an ardent
Pan-Africanist who was also one of the most influential
African leaders in the 20th century. And tribalism, which
has caused so much chaos, misery, and suffering, and
which has been exploited by politicians across Africa,
also gets full attention in this book. In fact, ethnic
hatred almost destroyed Africa's largest and most
populous nation, Nigeria, during the civil war in the
sixties. It was, until then, the bloodiest conflict in
the history of post-colonial Africa. It is because of
this disruptive force of tribalism across the continent
that Africans should seriously consider forming coalition
governments in order to harmonize conflicting interests
in a pluralistic context. The book is well-written, and
well-documented, except for typographical errors here
and there the publisher should not have overlooked. Some
people may blame the author for this. But that shouldn't
be the case. Writers, write. And publishers, publish; and,
in the process, are responsible for what their typists
and copy editors do. So, apportion guilt accordingly.
And give credit where credit is due. There's no question
the author has written a very important book, covering
a lot of territory, and in an objective way as is humanly
possible.

I concur with the other reviewers - a thorough and interesting book.

This book is an excellent account of the rise of the most important opposition movement in Egypt since the 1952 revolution. While its discussion of the last 8 years is unfortunately a bit truncated, this is probably one of the best texts out there to study a major islamic political movement in its proper context. What the author successfully does is not only take the study of social movements outside of its standard western milieu, but also look at the critical role ideology plays in mobilizing particular segments of the population to support and join a (r)evolutionary movement.

While political economy explanations can show the context that leads to the creation of a potential audience for a message of social justice and transformation of society from below, it doesn't explain why people would do so when the costs of such action in an authoritarian country are so high. Usually survival is the paramount concern of most in society outside the coopted elite, unless an opportunity for change occurs. But such was not the case in Egypt in the 1970s and 80s, not one sufficiently great in and of itself anyway, to mobilize the disaffected semi elite who did join and became the backbone of the Brotherhood. What was needed also was a message of hope, social justice, and fairness, and that message was supplied by moderate political islam. The opportunity of course was facilitated by the traditional failure not only of the state's own neopopulist economic, social, and educational policies, but also of the main other opposition socialist movements. Moderate political islam provided the answer for many.

It should be noted that this book, unlike many other studies of egyptian political islam by authors like Barry Rubin and Mary Anne Weaver, does not focus on the more violent offshoots of the Brotherhood, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and Al Qaeda. Ergo this is not a book about terrorism. But that's kind of the point, this shows the fact the even now (at least before 9/11) mainstream political Islam in most Moslem nations in the Middle East and beyond are quite moderate and while wanting to create a Moslem state in the long run (i.e. over decades) are willing to do so from below. Wickham quotes a female activist in the book who says precisely that, i.e. that by teaching children about the religion, its values, and goals, as well as their mothers and fathers, that over time this will help build support for the movement until it grows to a large enough popular majority to overtake the state peacefully. This could be called revolutionary in the sense that the long term goal is change of the state and society, but it is neither a top down, not militant movement, but rather one that seeks to achieve its goals at the ballot box, in the mosques, schools, health care centers, sports clubs, newstands, in professional associations, and such rather than with weapons. It therefore very much is a study of a movement in a major Moslem nation that joins a growing list of outstanding works in English on the subject from other countries such as Jenny White's "Islamist Mobilization in Turkey" about Turkey's AK party, which recently came to power and Robert W. Hefner's "Civil Islam" about Indonesia's Nhladatul Ulama of former President Abdurahman Wahid.

If you want to understand what mainstream political islam stands for and is seeking to achieve, in the most important Arab nation at that, this is probably the most important book you could read.

I am an avid reader of books about religion and political science, and am most concerned with the impact of religion on a nation's policies and politics. Dr. Wickham's book is the most interesting and profound book on modern Islam I have read. She has the ability to allow the reader to understand Islam from the inside out and therefore to make sense of what we Westerners often feel is not logical. The author held my attention from beginning to end with a style that was both interesting and informative. I highly recommend this book to anyone who is interested in learning more about Islam and it's impact on the United States and the world today.

Fred McChesney's book "Money For Nothing" builds upon public choice economist Gordon Tullock's work on how lobbyists obtain economic benefits from politicians. While Tullock's theory - known as "rent-seeking" - is gaining mainstream appeal, many economists now offer similar explanations for other aspects of legislative behavior that aids some interest groups while harming others. McChesney's theory of "rent-extraction" breaks new ground not yet covered by these economists.

McChesney defines rent extraction as "the political practice of extorting payments from private parties by making threats to expropriate wealth." In other words, he claims that politicians can take money from citizens by threatening to harm them and accepting bribes in the form of campaign contributions to leave them alone. He points out that if individuals have accumulated wealth and wish to keep it away from the government, they will be willing to pay politicians to leave them alone until the costs of doing so exceed the benefits of doing so.

Therefore, while Tullock's theory involves politicians accepting payments to create political favors in the form of rents, McChesney's involves politicians accepting payments to avoid destroying existing private rents. He explains the differences between the two by stating: "With the former (rent-creation/bribery), the beneficiaries of political action compensate the politician for increasing their welfare. With the latter (rent extraction/extortion), persons whose welfare would otherwise be diminished by political action compensate the politician for not effectuating that diminution."

He does point out that constitutional protection of private property and freedom of contract can prevent politicians from acting upon their threats. However, he claims the erosion of these protections has made the problem much more severe during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

To support his view that rent extraction imposes enormous costs on the economy, McChesney provides a wealth of evidence from recent policy debates. For example, he cites the United States Federal Trade Commission's efforts - at the request of Congress - to impose warranty and defect disclosure requirements on used car dealers as an attempt by individual members of Congress to obtain campaign contributions in exchange for voiding the rules. In this instance, he provides statistics on contributions made by the National Auto Dealers' Association to members of Congress who voted to repeal the regulations. In discussing the Supreme Court's response to the wheeling and dealing, he points out that the dealers were essentially tricked into paying to repeal legislation that Congress never intended to enact anyway.

On the Clinton health care plan, he states that stock prices of pharmaceutical firms began to fall before the policy was formally proposed. He emphasizes that investors knew that once price controls became an issue, the firms involved would have to spend money fighting the legislation by making campaign contributions. Thus, the firms were expected to lose enormous sums of money whether or not the bill was actually passed. Most importantly, he points out that the firms were never able to recover any of the money they lost in the process.

In addition to legislative threats to impose price caps, he cites situations in which politicians threaten to repeal existing price caps to obtain contributions. For example, he states that proposals to raise admission fees at Yellowstone National Park have met with resistance from local merchants and users who benefit from lower prices. In other words, politicians can even threaten regulatory systems that they inherited from previous regimes in order to extract contributions from the firms that benefit from those systems.

McChesney relates his theory to law and economics by applying the Coase Theorem to his logic. He claims that, in a world without transaction costs, there would be no regulation because markets would allocate goods to their highest bidders. Therefore, in his model, the existence of regulation is treated as a political market failure in which private individuals fail to accurately appraise the credibility of threats made by politicians.

McChesney offers a simple, straightforward way to make sense of much of the regulatory excess observed throughout the economy. Although his treatment of tax code reform may require some clarification, his model will eventually enjoy the same mainstream appeal that has been afforded to Tullock's over time.

Fred McChesney here develops his original idea of rent extraction -- and it's an idea that renders understandable much of what the government does. (Want to know why the NRA and politicians perform a perpetual, public dance with each other? Read this book. McChesney's explanation will surprise you.) This book is a marvelous example of the best in public-choice scholarship: clearly written and cogent.

What motivates politicians? How do they act? If you are interested in those questions your should read this. The author starts from earlier work in the area by Stigler and Posner - but then extends their models in a number of areas. McChesney has a remarkable ability to take a complex area of economics (public choice) and write in an interesting and understandable fashion. This book is probably going to be read mostly by academics but deserves a wider audience.

When the "founding fathers" wrote the constitution, it brought about great change. Today great change is needed...so what else ought we do but change the constitution? Jackson makes that notion convincingly clear. As i read this book, I kept thinking "I wish I had this book in college." In college, the dynamics of social and political thought were always about programs and policies....it was the bandaid solution. This book lays out the treatment and, most importantly, the diagnosis! Where have we been as a nation? The answer to that question is the real diagnosis....it is the diagnosis no one wants to hear, that Jackson has exposed. But we must acknowledge the diagnosis so we can identify the proper treatment and know how to apply it. How do we heal? The answer to that question is the treatment -- changing the constitution is so fundamental that it is largely ignored by politicos and scholars. Perhaps it is ignored because the constitution has been held as an immovable object. But, as Jackson explains, the constitution can be changed, and any changes (or amendments) become as rock solid as the constitution itself. Jackson has laid out a strategy that has rarely (in part and never in toto) been suggested for our nation -- a new idea -- that fact alone makes this book a MUST HAVE. Jackson has also laid out a strategy that will yield a prognosis for the nation that is desireable to all -- that fact makes this book a MUST DO!

This book is must reading for anyone who desires to understand how politicial idealogy has developed in the US. Additionally, the book offers a clear agenda for moving the United States towards a more perfect union. I predict that we will see the issues raised in this book edvident in the next presidential election.

Congressman Jesse Jackson Jr.in his newest book " A More Perfect Union" has proven that he is so much more than the beneficiary of great civil, social, political and theolological pedigree. In this his, chef doeuvre, along with contributor Frank Watkins, he provides the reader with a sweeping commentary of not merely race but racism in all of its legislative origin.

Imagine not stumbling upon the word racism until 1936 and finding no rise of the African American experience. Preposterous. Is it not? But truth. Congressman Jackson not only reveals why we must be outraged, not in the riotous form, but further demonstrates, in this important piece how we must engage our outrage by "economic reform."

Reader do not be discouraged by the book's smallprint or numerous pages. This plethora of information only lends itself to the extensive research and detail the author and his contributor insisted upon. Welcome these pages as they are wealthy. FINALLY there exists an "inclusive textbook" which it resembles and rally for it soon to be.

The reader will delight in a discovery of previously undocumented
yet factual pieces of African-American history "as American as apple pie." Congressman Jackson Jackson exhibits how African-Americans significantly shaped America and its politics. Furthermore, he examines how each American President, past and present viewed(s)and dealt(s) with the race problem and provides the reader with deriviations of words such as Jim Crow, locates and defines for his reader new political buzz words and delves into how "A More Perfect Union" can be achieved through Equal Opportunity, Human Rights,Full Employment, Universal and Comprehensive Health Care, Affordable Housing, Quality Public Education, Fair Taxes, Foreign Policy, Politics, and Moral Responsibility. Congressman Jackson actually dissects each of the above-mentioned and provides VIABLE solutions to their achievement.

Congressman Jackson and his contributor Frank Watkins must be applauded for preaching more than just "high sounding benevolent social rhetoric" as some of his counterparts. A section of the book is semi-autobiograhical and gives the reader perspective into his personal experiences and his subsequent growth. In it he reveals his humanity and there is substantial evidence that he has not taken his political responsibility lightly.

Readers add this book to your shelf only after reading and re-reading. It must "court" your dictionary and your other reference material. This book will invite you to consult it time and time again. It is indeed reference-WORTHY. Although it is a lofty, thought-provoking, brave and maybe even an unpopular undertaking, it is brillantly and perfectly executed. As Lincoln stated "the hen is the wisest of all animal creation because she never cacles until the egg is laid". Congressman Jackson is no hen but an egg he has laid-and "A More Perfect Union" is clearly Faberge'. We recognize if we never did before, Congressman Jesse Jackson, Jr. as one of our most heady, intellectual statesmen of the 21st century. A must Read!!! BRAVO!!!!

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This is a great collection of Paul Krassner writings, some of which have been turned into standup material on his recent CDs. While a number of the pieces in this book have been published elsewhere, this collecton is quite distinct from most of Krassner's other books, with the exception of a few stories that appear in different form in his autobiography (one of my favorite books of all time). I recently read Ronald Kessler's book on the "secret history of the FBI," and was disappointed that he missed some of the FBI dirty tricks recounted in the first section of Krassner's book, "The Federal Bureau of Intimidation." Other highlights of this book include the sections on Krassner's friends who have died (Jean Shepherd, Robert Spencer, Timothy Leary, Allen Ginsburg, Anita Hoffman, Terence McKenna, and John Lilly), a section of articles on the "war on some drugs" and the section on "countercultural icons" (Lenny Bruce, Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Garcia, Ram Dass, and Ken Kesey). Highly recommended.
On a side note, this book recounts a prank by Jean Shepherd that may have been the first instance of a "flash mob" (pp. 78-79).

The cultural revolution we know as the Sixties happened because a unique breed of creative activist/anthropologists gotinvolved in making American culture live up to its ideals. Some of us were "trained" while others developed and applied their own exceptional intuitive anthropological self-cultural awareness.

Paul Krassner, besides being a child prodigy musician, a funny stand up comic, an outrageous satirist and founder and editor of the Realist, sometimes described as "the first underground newpaper", and a great friend to many great people, is also one of the key Sixties activist anthropologists who was present and involved with just about every important juncture of the cultural revolution. To this fellow participant observer, he was/is a model culturally aware activist and unlike most anthropologists, he was and is funny. Best of all Paul is still going strong into the new--rapidly aging-- millenium

Reading Paul's stories in "Murder" about his fascinating Sixties, Seventies, Eighties, and Nineties, friends--Lennie Bruce, Steve Allen, Abbie Hoffman, John Lilly, Ken Kesey, Jerry Garcia, Ram Das, and best of all, other fabulous people you haven't heard of- is like sharing a great bottle of Burgundy wine or some fine grass. Read this book...

PS. (The Seinfield viagra scenario is hilarious--Classic Krassner.)

This is my first encounter with Paul Krassner's work. He is a '60s legend, and he still manages to write fresh, entertaining pieces, that really offer a different perspective. I enjoyed the pieces about Ken Kesey, Lenny Bruce, Hunter Thompson, Abbie Hoffman. I wasn't bored with any of the topics he covered, even the Monica Lewinsky affair, which is old news by now. It would have been boring if it wasn't dealt with Krassner's wit, humor, and knack for coming up with original story ideas, and ways to tackle an assignment. As a journalism student, I've learned a lot from Krassner, and I want to say, Thanks for the great book man.

In this book, people who have read alot into Native American history will see the more famous Indian testimonials that have appeared in many other places, like those by heavily published persons like Black Elk, Tecumseh, and Charles Eastman (Sioux). You also get many anonymous accounts and the testimony from obscure persons who were only known to give their thoughts to a few white people. What sets this book above the rest, however, is that it doesn't just cover the time periods that are shown in most Native American histories, which would either be ancient pre-European times, or the famous era of the Indians' destruction and valiant efforts to maintain the old ways of life. This book also covers those areas, as it should, but continues into the modern reservation days, and even captures the thoughts of recent activists on the future of Native Americans. All people will be enlightened by the non-Western interpretations on history, religion, politics, and culture that are generously detailed in this book.

This book is a collection of interviews with and stories from everyday people as they lived out their lives. I first read this book several years ago, yet I find that there are interviews and stories that I go back and reread again and again. If you are a Native or a student of Native American History, this is a good book to have on your shelf.

Nabokov has done a superb job of collecting individual Native American memoirs from the last half millenium and weaving them together to paint the sad portrait of Indian-White relations. In between the tales from each successive time period in history is enlightening commentary, usually an historical overview of the period written by the editor. These commentaries help give a unity to this work. But this is not simply a bad guys vs. good guys book. Nabokov's stories reflect the complexity involved among Native Americans who frequently disagreed with each other about what would be the best path to trod for all concerned; and they also tell the stories of proud peoples who continued to survive and carry on. This book illuminates history in a way that most school textbooks do not.

This reader is a great resource for teachers at all levels. It proved to be a great help in my curriculum planning.

Native American Voices may be the only volume that emits from "Native Country" encompassing the western hemisphere. From the Inuit and Athapascan near the Polar Rim to the Mapuche and Tierra Del Fuego, this volume winnows articulation from a variety of common dialogues. Often we are presented with great philosophy; sometimes we are greeted with prophacy. But, always there is the warning that the lives of the Native People have been assaulted and drastically altered, and if we, the Native Nations, do not reverse ourselves and adhere to the wisdom and the knowledge of our forefathers, we may, along with "civilization," perish. Perusing Native American Voices, we are presented with a scurry of tribal activity that cautions the Elders to guide the youth, and for the youth to listen and to employ that wisdom with respectful enthusiasm. From the British Domain down through California, piercing the Dakotas, entering the realm of the Iroquois Confederacy and southward, there is the cry of political injustice, and that taking the Tribal Laws of great Native Nations and using them for the benefit of the invading masses is not an act of righteousness. In Native Ameircan Voices we hear the weeping of women and children and the clash of swords as the invading hordes rush to attach a people armed only with kindness. WE are witness to the attack. We are also a spectator in the arena where native multitudes are marched in to be baptized in the name of God. Moments later, the baptized are beheaded. Native American Voices is often a requirement in my classes. The students wonder why there were never taught "this" in American and World History in high school. They, too, worry about the value of life in the future. But, thanks to the labors of special people likeLobo and Talbot, the Native People will not fade into the sunset. On page 477, Philip Deere succinctly states the determination of the Native Nations to continue, "We are a people that are made and placed here for a purpose. Through many struggles, through many years of struggle and sufferings we refuse to die." Highly recommended.

For information on the cover art, chapter heading art, as well as other art by Parris Butler, give him a call at River of Dreams Fine Art (510) 527-5687, ex. 2.

What a bottomless well of encouragement and inspiration one gets from its reading! Nelson Mandela, basing himself on the mass of Black, Colored and Indian, workers, peasants and other democrats of South Africa, was unbreakable at the hands of the horrific, murderous and terrorist system of aparthied. Akin to Nazis Germany, the Jim Crow USA South and Zionist Israel, South Africa enjoyed the backing of the US and British and Israeli governments until it was overthrown.

Joining the African National Congress in 1944 at age 26, he and other youth would lead its transformation from and organization of " gentlemen with clean hands" to the mass revolutionary democratic movement that would lead the revolution over apartheid. Doing so even while in prison for nearly 30 years. He was finally released in 1990 at age 72 and was soon after elected South Africa's president.

For decades, a popular demand in South Africa and around the world was: Free Nelson Mandela! This book does an excellent job of showing just why Mandela was so popular among the masses in his country and so feared and hated by apartheid's rulers. He was a first-class revolutionary who fought for decades for his country's freedom and always believed in the power of the masses of people to make change. This book is so inspiring because you read Mandela in his own words, starting as a student leader in the 1940s to a leader of the African National Congress's armed wing in the 1960s to an internationally known political prisoner in the 1980s. He never gave up and he outlasted the vicious apartheid system. The photos in the book also do a great job of showing what the struggle against apartheid was like.

What a wonderful experience-- reading and studying speeches and documents prepared by Nelson Mandela during five decades of struggle against the apartheid regime in South Africa! Here are key documents of the African National Congress, including the Freedom Charter that became the central document of the mass movement that brought down apartheid. Also Mandela's speeches at different stages of the struggle, including historic courtroom addresses when he was on trial for his life; documents Mandela prepared as the apartheid regime was forced to negotiate with him and the ANC in the late 1980s; and his first speeches after he was released from prison in 1990.
These speeches give a vivid reminder of the brutal, racist regime that was apartheid (and we should never forget that the South African regime was a pillar of U.S. domination in Africa from the 1940s on.) Mandela gives us a real feel for the determined, difficult, and courageous struggle of millions of people who never accepted submission to apartheid and the world-wide importance of the fight for a democratic, nonracial South Africa. And you see truly inspiring leadership in the persons of Mandela and his fellow leaders in the ANC.
Don't miss the 32-pages of photos that really help bring this rich struggle to life as well!