Governments

The authors has painstakingly research an excellent source for those intersted in the complex issues of the modern Northern irish conflict. One can learn from a concise description form different political and culture views to internal and external causalities. Even if one has no prior knowledge of the conflict or a grasp of political and social pschological theories, the authors explains the concept in a very understandable manner.

At first Explaining Northern Ireland appears as a 'long read'. But once you start to read you'll become amazed at the details that is the Nothern Irish conflict. The authors detail the major points of view from the major political parties/influnce and the internal and external causes of the the current conflict.

Even though the book was published in 1995, it is a very good resource for anyone interested in international relations and ethino-conflicts.

For anyone with a basic knowledge of Northern Ireland looking to delve deeper into the causes of the Troubles, McGarry and O'Leary's masterpiece is the perfect place to start. In clear, well-organized chapters, the two political scientists outline the arguments, philosophies and proposals of all sides of the conflict, nationalist as well as unionist. They also explore the religious and economic facets of the Troubles, and in doing so debunk the myths that Northern Ireland is ravaged by easily-explainable theological or class divisions.

The greatest strength of the book, however, is its use of comparative political analysis to illuminate features of Northern Ireland's situation. By comparing the region to places such as the United States, South Africa, Belgium, and Israel, McGarry and O'Leary demonstrate to the reader that the Troubles, while unique in many ways, also follow trends found in conflicts elsewhere.

Though the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent establishment of a Northern Ireland parliament render the authors' conclusions a bit obsolete, the book remains vital reading. It is perhaps the only political science text available on Northern Ireland which tackles all the issues with remarable clarity, even-handedness, and insight.

I've read many books on government contracting. I keep returning to this one because of its clarity and usefulness (I work in the business). Chapters are well-organized and the writing is succinct. The graphics are particularly useful, including government forms, rate calculations, sample cost formulas, and more. The bid formula example for a small disadvantaged business (p.63) and the progress payment schedule (p.253) are just 2 of many excellent and easy-to-understand graphics. I think this is the best primer on the market. I find it's also a great reference book.

This book is not only an essential guide for small and medium businesses seeking federal contracts, but also serves as an excellent resource for companies that bid for commercial contracts.

The five parts to this book form a clear roadmap to doing Federal Government business. Part I gives the big picture and rules of the game. These rules cover the sources of contract terms and conditions that you are going to see in any federal contract, including applicable laws with which you need to comply and the role of agencies such as the Defense Contract Auditing Agency. If you've never engaged in a federal contract these rules will determine whether you should even be in the game.

Part II describes special programs and opportunities available to certain businesses, subcontracting (especially useful if your business model is to team with prime contractors), and Federal Supply/GSA opportunities for companies selling finished products. Part III describes marketing strategies for federal business. This area is vastly different from marketing to commercial entities, but is similar in many respects for going after business at the state and county government level. This information is also useful when you're marketing to large companies that do government contracting, such as aerospace. Their procurement policies and processes will probably mirror those of the Federal Government.

Although Part IV is about government procurement and acquisition procedures, most large companies have similar procedures, so this part of the book is useful for both government and commercial contracting. Part V is my favorite because it explains in great detail each contract type (fixed price, cost reimbursement and other types and variations). This information is applicable to both government and commercial business and the in-depth treatment that the author gives is the best I've seen. If you're considering or are engaged in government contracting this book is one that should be close at hand, both as a reference and as training material for your project managers, marketing staff and anyone who is a part of a proposal team. I also highly recommend augmenting this book with Robert S. Frey's Successful Proposal Strategies for Small Businesses - the combination of both books will give you and your company a significant advantage in winning and keeping federal contracts.

Wow! This book is an excellent source of ideas and information for landing profitable contracts with the federal government. I recommend Federal Contracting Made Easy to all my clients and it is required reading for our marketing department.

Although constitutional history is considered old fashioned--mainly because there hasn't been anything new published for many years--the author of this book has found a lot to write about. His interpretations are fresh and original, and his claims about the centrality of constitutional thought are convincing. This book deals with a range of political issues from Jackson's Bank veto to the Louisiana Purchase, but it does so by taking ideas seriously. Its a great introduction to American constitutional history.

This is a stunning new history of federalism in the formative years of the American republic. Dr. Lenner uncovers the "original understanding" of federalism in the context of the two party system, and shows how there were really three divergent "original understandings." Old controversies are seen in a new light, and new concepts like the law of nations are presented in a novel and path-breaking manner.

This is a brilliant new interpretation of the early national period by an up and coming young scholar. Anyone interested in the causes of political strife in the early republic should pay attention to this well informed political/legal/constituional history. This is a book that takes ideas seriously and author who has uncovered a new discourse or language among political actors.

Anyone who truly wants to understand what the founding generation thought of the Constitution should consult this study. I have personally studied the era for years, and I was pleasantly surprised by the new and engaging material presented here. Essential reading for students of early american history.

The Cuban revolutionary experience is something fighters for fundamental social change can benefit from to this day. Fidel Castro began to organize a movement of revolutionaries gathered around a leadership core of militants educated in Marxism years before the revolutionary war that overthrew the dictator Batista was begun. The revolutionaries came to be the uncontested leaders of a broad front of the bulk of the political forces that opposed the U.S.-backed tyrant. When the Cuban equivalents of "our own" Democrat-Republican capitalist hack politicians tried to snatch the leadership away, from Miami no less, they were outmaneuvered by the July 26th Movement and the Rebel Army, and their principled politics and armed struggle. This book, written by a Chilean-Cuban journalist, is a rich mine for the those who choose to resist imperialism's drive towards a New Depression, more and more wars, and fascist barbarism. Most especially, this book is for those who oppose the Empire from inside, which is where the decisive battles will take place. The inclusion of Fidel's masterful defense speech at his trial for insurrection, a classic example for stating the need for revolution-"History Will Absolve Me"-rounds this book out perfectly. Like Fidel said in Chile in 1970 (strongly similar to today's Venezuela), use these revolutionary experiences applied to your own country creatively and intelligently, and you'll win. Provided you have his same confidence in the ability of "average", "ordinary" working people to change themselves and the world through revolutionary struggle.

The thirtieth anniversary of the bloody U.S.-engineered coup in Chile just past in August 2003. So what is the difference between Allende's Chile and Fidel's Cuba? In this little book on "Fidel Castro's Political Strategy," Chilean writer Marta Harnecker takes up exactly this point, how Fidel always sought to mobilize Cuba's revolutionary people. Castro and the July 26 movement always avoided either sterile electoral reform or a simple coup that focuses on the hated ruler-in this case Batista, the U.S. supported dictator of Cuba in the 1950s. Fidel's strategy was always based on progressively mobilizing and inspiring the Cuban people to take the stage of history, and he and the Cuban people have succeeded in defending Cuba's revolution pretty well also. If the Cuban people were not ready at a moment's notice to defend the revolution, do you think it could have lasted a day-and almost forty-five years later, it's still strong. Also of great value in this book is the magnificent speech, "From Moncado to Victory," which Castro gave as his defense before being hauled off to Batista's prison in 1953.

Gives the facts on why the Cuban resistance won, when so many in the Latin America of that epoch did not. Good summary of Castro's conscious drive to unity of workers and farmers, refusal of any political cosying-up to ruling figures... he really had/has unshakeable confidence in the capacity of ordinary people to fight and win. His 1953 courtroom speech, History Will Absolve Me, is included in the book -- a stirring, sensitive condemnation of the brutality of the dictatorship. Very concrete, educational, seeking to reach the ears of the people to explain why they can move into action on their own behalf.

This 556-page volume raises extremely important questions about the first major terrorist attack on U.S. shores, which was unfortunately not the last.

In hindsight, some observers wonder whether the devastating 1995 attack was both precursor and connected to the Sept. 11, 2002 attacks on New York and Washington which took more than 3,000 lives.

This research--conducted by the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee, and funded by private citizens--raises many unsettling questions.

For starters it provides clear evidence that U.S. Federal authorities never found all of the perpetrators of the Oklahoma City attack, that they did not pursue every lead, and that they did not utilize all available physical evidence. Substantial evidence surfaced that dozens of crucial eyewitnesses were neither interviewed nor called at federal trials.

In October 1995, Oklahoma State Representative Charles Key petitioned the District Court of Oklahoma County for a Grand jury to be formed to investigate the bombing. His petition was denied in February 1997.

Nevertheless, an FBI agent swore in an affidavit included in this volume that Abraham Abdallah Ahmed, a Jordanian-born naturalized U.S. citizen detained by American Airlines security personnel in Chicago on April 19, 1995 met the description of one of the male suspects seen running from the scene of the bombing. Ahmed flew from Oklahoma City to Chicago after the bombing. The FBI man further swore that Ahmed's luggage, which continued to Rome, contained several car radios, substantial amounts of shielded and unshielded wire, a small tool kit and other tools. While these could be used for everyday work, they were also "consistent with use" for "explosive devices." Ahmed was requested to appear before a Grand Jury, but had fled.

The Grand Jury indicted Timothy McVeigh, along with "others unknown." Composites of two "others," each called "John Doe," are shown here. They were never found.

In addition, actual evidence from terrorist attacks in Columbia in 1989, Saudi Arabia and Lima Peru in 1996 proved that a car bomb alone could not destroy reinforced concrete supports like those in the Alfred P. Murrah building. Chemical and electrical engineers, physicists and a U.S. Brigadier General all concurred that the damage to the Murrah Building on April 19, 1995 could not be ascribed to a single truck bomb containing 4,800 pounds of ammonium nitrate fuel oil.

A former military man at the scene on April 19 to search for victims witnessed fire department teams removing two devices that were placed in bomb disposal units. These were described as "military olive drab in color," the size of "round, five-gallon drums, with black lettering designating the contents as fulminated mercury," a high grade explosive. He saw mercury switches on devices which he recognized as detonators.

Had complete work been done in 1995, might 2001 have been prevented?

Read this book, and weep for the victims of both heinous attacks.

--Alyssa A. Lappen

If you want to know the truth about the bombing of the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City, this is the source. The author was one of the eminently qualified people who pursued the study of the bombing and produced this book. It is well researched, well written, and quotes research by many extremely well qualified individuals, including several eyewitnesses and victims of the bombing. The only qualification I would add is that it comprises 364 pages of fine print, with an additional 184 pages of pictures and supporting documentation.

You have not read the complete story until you've read this. The "official version" is nothing like this.

Rep Charles Key really steps up to the plate while investigating the controversial Oklahoma City Bombing. He throughly looks at all aspects and possibilities as to how the bombing could have taken place. He has many official documents to back up all of the text in the book. It is a thorough look at OKC through the eyes of a group of individuals who just want the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. They did this for the victims and I think they did a wonderful job. Great job Charles!

This is a brillant book on the culture and dynamics of the U.S. National Security Establishment. Zegart has formulated a model of what she calls "National Scurity Agencies" to explain how and why the creation and evolution of institutions that belong to the National Security Establishment differ from institutions in the domestic policy arena. Although I think her model is probably incomplete, it remains a very good tool for understanding and analyzing the workings of the U.S. National Security Establishment. Zegart uses her model with devastating effect to analyze the creation and evolution of the National Security Council, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). These three are extermely well chosen examples of the different components of the the national security community. Her analysis of the CIA is especially insightful, profound, and accurate. Unfortunately, Zegart clearly and incontestably demonstrates that a major reform of the U.S. intellignece system can only occur if a cast of dedicated, powerful political actors combines with a unique set of compelling circumstances to force change on that system. At best such a combination is highly improbable. For the curious, this book also provides a clear and decisive explination of why all the millions of words concrning reform of the intelligence system that have been generated over the last ten years by congressional committees, presidential special commissions and speical studies by outside consultants have disppeared without a trace.

Zegart's book should have precipitated a storm of controversy when it was published and now should be on the must read list of everyone interested in reshaping the national intelligence system. In point of fact, as far as I can tell, the real movers and shakers of the intelligence community ignored this book when it was published and ignore it today. Zegart is an exceptional scholar and more importantly a good analyst who deserves wider recognition than she apparently has received. Read her book and digest the melancholy truth that reform of the intelligence system is no more likely than reform of the electoral system, though for different reasons.

This is a very worthy and thoughtful book. It breaks new ground in understanding the bureaucratic and political realities that surrounded the emergence of the National Security Council, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Central Intelligence Agency. The CIA was weak by design, strongly opposed by the military services from the beginning. Its covert activities emerged as a Presidential prerogative, unopposed by others in part because it kept CIA from being effective at coordinated analysis, for which it had neither the power nor the talent. Most usefully, the book presents a new institutionalist theory of bureaucracy that gives full weight to the original design, the political players including the bureaucrats themselves, and external events. Unlike domestic agencies that have strong interest groups, open information, legislative domain, and unconnected bureaucracies, the author finds that national security agencies, being characterized by weak interest groups, secrecy, executive domain, and connected bureaucracies, evolve differently from other bureaucracies, and are much harder to reform. On balance, the author finds that intelligence per se, in contrast to defense or domestic issues, is simply not worth the time and Presidential political capital needed to fix but that if reform is in the air, the President should either pound on the table and put the full weight of their office behind a substantive reform proposal, or walk away from any reform at all-the middle road will not successful.

With Flawed by Design, Zegart makes a spectacular splash into the world of professional political academic analysis. Trained at Stanford University, Zegart employs an approach that is both refreshingly "old school" in its historical approach and new school in its analytical rigor. In short, Zegart has offered up a piece of academic literature that is certain to become a classic. Look out for this rising star over the next 10 years. Let's only hope that the "rational choice" dogma of the field doesn't precluding Zegart from continuing her Tiger Woods-like path through the political science circuit.

Fools Errand is an extraordinary account of failed attempts at "nation building" during the Clinton Administration. Gary Dempsey's expertise is evident as guides the reader through a maze of disturbingly flawed policy, astonishing bureaucracy, arrogance and stupidity that doomed nation building attempts to failure. Dempsey's analysis is brilliant, and he relates complex events with remarkable clarity.

Dempsey's Fool's Errands is brilliant. He methodically recounts the pitfalls of an indiscriminate nation building policy. Anyone who is serious about shaping or understanding America's foreign policy should read this.

A long time fan of Mr. Dempsey's work for his clarity of vision and ability to recount history that reverberates with political savvy. First hand insight with time on the ground in the region well prepares Dempsey for the chore of 'piecing' together Balkan politics. Great job -- I look forward to more!

I found Mr. Cramer's book while preparing a Motion to annul New York's anti-pistol law. It is very valuable both as a catalog of applicable cases, and concise analysis thereof. This book should be on every lawyers' bookshelf, on every Court bench. It is also of great value to the civil rights activist seeking to restore the Right to Arms to its proper position alongside the Freedoms of Speech, Press, and Association.

The first review said it all, but wanted to second that one. This book is full of information on gun ownership and the many infrigements that have occured and been ignored.

After a short chapter on the European origins of the right to keep and bear arms, Cramer plunges into a detailed analysis of the legal origins of the Second Amendment, and of the treatment of the right to bear arms in state and federal courts over the following 200 years. One of the particularly important contribution made by Cramer is his detailed analysis of gun control cases in the state courts in the 19th century. Judicial hostility to the right to bear arms, Cramer shows us, is nothing new. Intellectual dishonesty, mistrust of ordinary people, and sometimes outright lying have characterized the approach of much of the judiciary to the right to bear arms since 1820s. Not all state courts have been willing to use illogical legal "reasoning" to undermine the right to arms, but many have. As Cramer explicates, judicial contortions have been especially noticeable in slave-holding states. When legislatures have attempted to degrade (or even destroy entirely) the right to bear arms, too many courts have refused to intervene. Of course Cramer also discusses the many state court decisions from Georgia, Washington, and elsewhere in which courts have struck down laws aimed at gun-owners. Too often, scholars who write about legal topics get trapped in legal arcana, and end up producing a book that can be read only by legal specialists. Cramer, to his great credit, succeeds in making legal cases comprehensible to an ordinary reader, and at the same time treating the legal cases which the subtlety and sophistication that good legal analysis demands. For the Defense of the Themselves and the State is not a breezy read. It is 274 pages of single-spaced, small (but readable) text. This is a serious book. Any lawyer or historian with an interest in the right to arms will find the book fascinating. The book would be an excellent donation to a college library or a law school library. It would also do fine at a public library or a high school library. Review by Dave Kopel, Independence Institute, http://i2i.org

This book is an excellent source on understanding American Political Philosophy. I wish this book can be sent to every congressmen and senator in Washington DC....they could use a healthy dose of this book.

Free Government in the Making is replete with all the writings of thinkers and politicians who helped shape modern democracy. Beginning with Locke, and carrying through to the 1980's, it is an excellent compilation of what has come to be known as American political thought. Mason has contained a wealth of political theory in one book. It has helped me through two years of college-I wish I had it for high school as well. A must have book for anyone pursuing American History or Government.

If you've been truly curious as to what the American forefathers thought or hoped for in the American political process, I would highly recommend this book. Although I am not a native of the United States, this book gave me an objective evaluation of how the great American democratic experiment came to being. This book should be required reading for all students of American history.

Touching and powerfully honest personal accounts of the daily lives of children / youth in the Civil Rights Movement. Children surviving domestic terrorism in a culture of violence, ever hopeful of realizing " all men are created equal". Though it documents 'traumatic' incidents the focus is on courage , hope, and our personal responsibility for making the world a better world. For the children each day, each choice, each action made a profound vote for justice and equality. They are truly activists, and advocates for 'humanity'. Our elementary class uses this book to learn about and portray each person. They often seek to emulate them.The children respectfully honor these young heroes, and find their own 'voice'.

Freedom's Children was a very good book because it involved different interveiws by thirty people so every person's story was different. It is probably one of the best African-American books for children. I really recommend it to people who like true stories and the 50's and 60's. At some points it was depressing, and at some points it was happy.

Freedom's Children is filled with inspiring real life stories of children who lived in the 1950's. It tells about their separate lives and how they fought for Civil Rights. This book describes many aspects of the movement. One part is about the Little Rock Nine. I admire them for having enough courage to attend an all white school. They were made fun of and even physically threatened by fellow students. The book also tells about the bus boycott, Freedom Riders, and all the laws passed to make a better life for African Americans. I enjoyed this book mostly because of how much it taught me and I recommend it to anyone who wants to learn