Governments

The labor movement today encounters calls for patriotic sacrifice as well as threats of employer bankruptcy and government attack. We need to be educated on these issues. For example, the Railway Labor Act has recently been used to deny airline workers the right to strike. This book by Dick Roberts tells you how this package of laws was first used against labor in the 1920s, to satisfy the needs of big business. Roberts tells the story of the rail barons' greed and the bailouts they got from bought-and-paid-for politicians. He also tells the story of the great struggles by rail workers. Throughout, the government has backed the railroad companies and called on rail workers to sacrifice in the name of patriotism, just as airline workers are today being pressured in the name of Homeland Security to abandon their right to strike and continue down the slippery slope of take-backs.

The railroads, the first national industry, the industry on which giant battles were waged not just between the workers and the employers, but a major factor in farmers fight for land, and their continued fight for their fair share of the profits from their labor. This book talks about the railroad's real history in American capitalism, a history of class struggle, class war. This book also talks about how at a much earlier easier stage of the crisis of capitalism, the railroads themselves
were torn apart by economic crisis, thousands of employees lost their jobs, and the economy of this country was thrown amuck.
Read this now,
because the crisis of the railroads at they were when this book was written in the 1970s is nothing compared to the growing crisis. Read this now because it is written not as nostalgic lying history, or armchair economics, but as a contribution to the need for all working people, not just railroad workers, to know what is coming, know how our predecessors have shown the way to fight, know how to win!

Read this now because a crisis in the airline industry of exactly the same character with questions of nationalization is going on now. Here in Miami where the airlines are a major employer many of my friends and neighbors are afraid that their jobs will be lost. Read this book for them as well!

A short, lively study of labor and capital in one of the key industries in modern society. The railroads have been one of the biggest money-makers for their wealthy owners from the mid-1800s on, and also one of the scenes of fierce strike battles as bosses brutally resisted workers' demands for better wages, job security and safer working conditions.
I found Robert's detailed look at stock ownership of the railroads in the 1970s very helpful in figuring out how modern capitalism works, and an example that could be applied to other major industries. His discussion of why essential industries such as transportation cannot be left to the mercy of the profit needs of private capital is really relevant for anyone grappling with the economic crises of the 21st century.
Roberts also presents a lively history of capital-labor struggles over the past 150 years. I'd suggest reading it along with the more detailed books on working class leadership in the United States by Farrell Dobbs, especially his two-volume series Revolutionary Continuity.

Admiral Platt has managed a miracle. As a leader in transforming old practices to business practices in the Pentagon 20 years ago, his additional 8 years as a defense executive leaves him with a near-singular ability to light the way for how the Pentagon might yet succeed in transforming America's military hardware agenda. Not many college sophomores will reach for this compact, brief manifesto and memoir, but it would provide any one a sharply focused treatment of issues that are often avoided. I can say that no one in the Pentagon should be without it.

It's readable, doesn't bog down into the inevitable minutiae that characterizes most volumes about the defense business and it offers a serious warning -- that the U.S. defense business in general has become less competitive. That course can and should be changed. Bravo!

Admiral Platt speaks with the voice of experience and commands attention for his ideas. We do need to rethink our national procurement and defense strategy.
I highly recommend this book for any person seeking a better understanding of military thinking and procurement, as well as the problems we as taxpayers all face.
This book is a must read for Defense Department personnel and anyone seeking a balanced perspective and alternative to newspaper and media hype about defense procurement and strategy. This truly is applied wisdom by a serious thinker that will hopefully be taken to heart by our leaders in the DOD.

In these perilous times we are infused with patriotism and a firm
resolve to keep our country free and to send the word out that
we are strong in military might and determination. Unfortunately,
much of this is mere rhetoric. The present author, a retired
Rear Admiral in the United States Navy, brings to the forefront
his extensive experience and great concern for the future of our
country by detailing our past history in the area of military
procurement--its shortcomings as well as its positive aspects--
and a blueprint for the future. Although I feel well- informed about current events in the world, it was a startling revelation
for me to discover that I was totally unaware of the true nature
of military preparedness.We may have the determination to keep
our nation secure, but of necessity this must be backed by the means to do so. WE must have these means--military supplies and
weapons--precisely when needed. This implies that they must be
procured well in advance as speedily and efficiently as possible. Lengthy deliberations in the industrial sector and the
halls of government may seriously impair our effectiveness in our defense. Facts and figures are provided in this book to
strengthen the argument that we must act now so that we are not
caught defenseless. The author was in the center of the area of
procurement and had vital associations with some of the well-known personages involved, including the President of the United
States. The book is replete with anecdotes and personal comments
but never loses sight of its main theme and goal--to apprise
America of the absolute necessity to be always mightily prepared
and that speedy procurement is the sine qua non of this objective! I strongly recommend that this book be read by not
only our representatives in government but the general public
who should be informed.

I hope Havel's own words (he is one of the few presidents who writes his own speeches, consistently with his life motto "living in the truth") will inspire you to buy and read "The Art of Impossible" and other books written by this humble and couragoues man. From Havel's writings one can learn much about history, politics, philosophy,psychology and art/theatre. Moreover, everyone reading Havel's works with an open mind and heart will be challenged to reflect on his/her own place in this world.

"For forty years on this day you heard, from my predecessors, variations on the same theme: how our country flourished, how many million tons of steel we produced, how happy we all were,
how we trusted our government, and what bright perspectives were unfolding before us. I assume you did not propose me for this office so that I, too, would lie to you. (New Year's Address to the Nation, Prague, January 1, 1990)

"But this is still not the main problem. The worst thing is that we live in a contaminated moral environment. We fell morally ill because we got used to saying something different from what we thought. We learned not to believe in anything, to ignore each other, to care only for ourselves. Concepts such as love, friendship, compassion, humility and forgiveness lost their
depth and dimension, and for many of us they came to represent only psychological pecularities, or to resemble long-lost greetings from the ancient times, a little ridiculous in the era of commuters and spaceships. ...When I talk about contaminated moral atmosphere, I am not talking just about the gentlemen who eat organic vegetables and do not look out of the planes windows, I am talking about all of us. We had all become used to the totalitarian system and accepted it as an unalterable fact of life, and thus we helped to perpetuate it. In other words, we are all-though naturally to differing extents-responsible for the operation of the totalitarian machinery. None of us is just its victim: we are all also its cocreators. (New Year's Address to the Nation, Prague, January 1, 1990)

"...we must accept this legacy as a sin we committed against ourselves. If we accept it as such, we will understand that it is up to us all, and up to us alone, to do something about it. We must not blame the previous rulers for everything, not only because it would be untrue but also because it could blunt the duty each of us faces today, that is, the obligation to act independently, freely,reasonably, and quickly. ...Freedom and democracy require participation and therefore responsible action from us all. (New Year's Address to the Nation, Prague, January 1, 1990)

"We agree that the basic prerequisite for a genuine friendship between our nations is truth, a truth that is always expressed, no matter how hard." (The Visit of German President Richard von
Weizacker, Prague)

"Interests of all kinds-personal, selfish, state, national, group, and if you like, company interests-still considerably outweigh genuinely common and global interests. We are still under the sway of the destructive and thoroughly vain belief that man is the pinnacle of creation, and not just a part of it, and that therefore everything is permitted to him. There are still many who say they are concerned not for themselves but for the cause, while they act demonstrably in their own interests
and not for the cause at all. We are destroying the planet that was entrusted to us. We still close our eyes to the growing social, ethnic, and cultural conflicts in the world. From time to time we say that the anonymous megamachinery we have created for ourselves no longer serves us but,rather, has enslaved us, yet we fail to do anything about it. In other words, we still don't know how to put morality ahead of politics, science and economics. We are still incapable of understanding that the only genuine core of all our actions-if they are to be moral-is responsibility. Responsibility to something higher than my family, my country, my firm, my success. Responsibility to the order of Being, where all our actions are indelibly recorded and where, and only where, they will be properly judged. The
interpreter or mediator between us and this higher authority is what is traditionally referred to as human conscience. If I subordinate my political behavior to this imperative, I can't go far wrong. If on the contrary, I am not guided by this voice, not even ten presidential schools with two thousand of the best political scientists in the world could help me. (A Joint Session of the U.S. Congress, Washington, D.C., February 21, 1990)

After reading "The Art of Impossible" I would also recommend the following writings:

Havel, Vaclav. Open Letters: Selected Writings 1965-1990. Translated by Paul Wilson. New York:Alfred A. Knopf, 1991.

Sire, James W. Václav Havel: the intellectual conscience of international politics: an introduction, appreciation, and critique. Downers Grove: IVP, 2001.

The Art of the Impossible is, indeed, a very good introduction to the political philosophy of a great leader. Every lecture and article contained in this volume holds fabulous, almost poetic passages, and offers insights into the difficulties of leading a nation away from the physical and psychological devastation of communism. On some occasions Mr. Havel looks at his own position from a critical point of view, something we don't see very often in this kind of work.

This is a rather optimistic book, and every person who aspires to making our world a better - and safer - place for everyone, should definitely read it. It does not, however, provide us with solutions, but this is not what this work was intended for in the first place. What it does is identify the areas of politics we ought to concentrate on. The passages in which he argues for an increased participation of "intellectuals" in politics is particularly enlightening.

A commendable collection of lectures and essays, beautifully translated, which offers us a glimpse of a truly admirable man.

The essays and speeches contained in this book provide an excellent introduction to Vaclav Havel, one of the most intelligent and conscientious political figures of this century. His discussions about democracy, forgiveness, the future of the former Soviet Union, the future of the Czech Republic and other themes are thoughtfully composed and eloquently expressed. No review that I can write can do justice to this man's incredible vision for his country, our world, and our future.

Most books about Laos are boring. By contrast, Back Fire is interesting. As I left Laos in late 1974, I asked myself if anyone would ever be able to describe in plain English and lucidity the absurdity and complexity that became the War (between the United States and North Vietnam) in Laos from 1960 to 1975? Will anyone ever explain why the War in Laos should be chronicled in the Encyclopedia of Human Stupidity? Roger Warner comes closer than any other author. His book, Back Fire, traces the incidents and the players after 1960 in a way that is easy to follow and understand. Warner takes neither a pro- nor anti-war position; instead he lays out the chronology with facts and events and also does a very good job laying out the strengths and weaknesses of the chief CIA, State Department, and, Lao, and Hmoung (Meo) leaders. Vietnam Vets will shake their heads after reading this book -- the overall strategy and implementation of the strategy to sacrifice Laos and its people for Vietnam was more imbecilic than previously explained. While there were certainly heroes in the Laos war, Warner shows us the dolts in higher positions too. Forget assassination laws, our nation needs a law that prohibits any member of the State Department, including Ambassadors and chargé d'affaires, from ever commanding military resources. This book is ripe with example. On a personal note, I want to thank Roger Warner for documenting the true story about the 24 foot tape worms - it's free beer for me forever. If you think racial prejudice is unique to the United States, read Warner's true account about the prejudice among white, green, and blue Meo (the color of a woman's tribal dress trim, not skin color). Warner does a fair job explaining the CIA and Hmoung involvement with the opium and heroin trade. There are weaknesses in the book, Warner mentions but doesn't conclude about the road built by the Chinese Army from southern China through northern Laos to an unbridgeable termination at the waterfalls on the Mekong River - the secret of that road remains intact. He also neglects to mention Colonel John P. Cross, British Military Attaché, and his significant contribution between 1972 and 1976. While Americans were flying to and from in Laos, Colonel Cross walked from border to border, village to village, through government and communist controlled territory and gained more intelligence than all the CIA. Cross may have been eccentric, but he was usually right. (see First In, Last Out, An Unconventional British Officer in Indo-China; Cross, J.P.) The writer briefly notes the presence of Army and Air Force Detachment 404, but neglects to explain it's purpose and activities. The same for COMUSMACTHAI (whatever) and communication intelligence. Individuals involved with unconventional warfare (teaching or planning) and students of Laos should read this book, I doubt if many others will care. And by the way, Warner makes it clear that North Vietnam led and controlled the communist Pathet Lao party, not a Laotian.

It is disappointing to learn that Roger Warner's excellent work is now out of print. He and the publisher Simon & Schuster did a national service in producing "Back Fire: The CIA's Secret War in Laos and Its Link to the War in Vietnam." One can only hope that a softcover edition will be forthcoming.

Good history doesn't spring readily into public consciousness, no matter how well researched or written. The Vietnam War and related events still carry too much baggage for the American public to embrace easily ... perhaps in another generation this will change.

When attitudes do change (and they surely will), Warner's efforts to unravel and explain the events that transpired across Vietnam's western border in the 1960s and 1970s will provide a springboard to understanding and future research.

I found that "Back Fire" answered many questions about my own involvement in the war during those troubled times. One instance in particular that Warner recounts was the secret operation of a radar facility on a mountain in northern Laos, from which fighter bombers were vectored to targets in North Vietnam. The installation was destroyed in a desperate fight after outnumbered and unsupported defenders were overwhelmed by North Vietnamese regular troops. Later, not many miles away, a similar radar system was reestablished on a peak in the northern part of South Vietnam near the A Shau Valley. It too came under attack by enemy regulars and its defenders withdrew after a 23-day siege. (See Keith Nolan's "Ripcord: Screaming Eagles Under Siege, Vietnam 1970.")

There are many key individuals that make up this intriguing tale. One of the most interesting is the charismatic Vang Pao, a Humong (or Meo) tribesman who rose from obscurity to lead the only effective Laotian army to fight the communists. Tragically for the Humong, when the U.S. sent combat troops to South Vietnam the CIA lost control of the air war in Laos. Subsequent mismanagement of air assets began the downward spiral of defeat for the tribesmen.

In the end, "Back Fire" is about more than just secrecy. It is about the cruel side of war and about war's illusions. It chronicles the sacrifices of small countries and naive, primitive groups to the hubris of more powerful neighbors and larger countries.

If you can get a copy of "Back Fire," do so. It will be an acquisition the military historian and history buff will not regret.

Buy it, read it, live it. Evenhanded for a change account of a good war -- noble cause, ably fought -- by a very fine writer

If we had more top notch, no-nonsense kinda guys like this Joe Thiel in the White House, Then maybe somethin' might get done. This is a man with true vision. He cuts through red tape like a hot scapple through that soft french cheeses they sell in those upscale markets...really.Why if I knew he was in town , I'd have him over to the house for a deep pit pig roast.But first, I'd conjour up the neighbors for a parade down our main drag(state road 342)Joe,You draw and speak my thoughts and dreams. I love you man.

As a student of the majestic and enigmatic Mr. Joe Thiel, I have learned what is good and what is bad in the fields of illustration. This book represents all that is pure and holy in the toxic waste-land that is the current field of illustartion. Never before and never agian shall anyone shine light on American politics like the master that is Joe Thiel. I laughed and cryed at the cartoons that changed a nation. The story of Joe Thiel is that of one man standing agianst all the red tape and political hog-wash, proving to everyone that a lone patriot can still deliver a powerful world changing view on society. Every library and every school should be forced to carry this book as it stands for all that is America.

In Below The Beltway, Joe Thiel's first publication, his sarcastic wit and superb humorous illustrations had me laughing from cover to cover. The book is a gallery of more than sixty images of Thiel's political humor that are each bright and vibrant in color and content. (even without the "punchlines" at the end to help you with the jokes.) Each piece makes you wonder, "Why didn't I see this joke coming sooner?"... It's because Joe Thiel's insight into the common everyman's humor and slightly twisted views of some of today's most controversial politicians have made this book a must have for lovers or laughter, politics, and above all art. He has mixed a whimsical style and powerful view of politics that left me wanting more. Below The Beltway, proves that politics, humor, and "cartoony" style can all be brought together in a wonderful way. I can't wait to see what subjects Joe Thiel sinks his artistic talons into in the near future.

This collection of Franklin's writing display his quick mind, mathematical gifts, great sense of humor, detachment in crisis, and the razor-sharp diplomatic mind which did more than supposed for the American cause (more so than than Adams and others thought). An American genius and a true seer of note. A book to be enjoyed again and again.

The Library of America should be commended for preserving the works of Benjamin Franklin. This is the finest compilation of Franklin's writings still in print.

The book is organized and presented in chronological order. The first section contains Franklin's writings between 1722-1726. This section contains the famous "Silence Dogood" works. The second section consists of writings between 1726-1757. This section contains the "Busy Body" pieces and the writings from the Philadelphia Gazette, amongst other works. The third section consists of writings which date between 1757-1775. The fourth section consists of writings between 1776-1785. The fifth section consists of writings between 1785-1790. And the final two sections are "Poor Richard's Almanack" and "The Autobiography."

Moreover, the sections contain personal letters between Franklin and other notable men such as David Hume, Lord Kames, John Pringle, Benjamin Rush, etc. Also, religious writings, philosophy, political writings and the like are present in this single volume. In fact, there is about 1500 pages of just Franklin's writings. Additionally, in the back of the book, there is a very detailed chronology of Franklin's life describing notable things which occurred between his birth and death.

This is a great text for those who are wanting a very detailed volume of Franklin's writings. However, it is also a great compilation for those who simply want to sit down and get a sample of the works of Franklin to find out what type of man he was, what he believed, what he taught, his sense of humor and the like.

This book has been one of the best investments that I have made in my collection of American Revolutionary (Founders) history. I highly recommend this work.

Many of Benjamin Franklin's biographers follow up their treatments of his life and work with an edited collection of his writings, as if to concede that he is his own best presenter. Any reader interested in Franklin should therefore set the biographies aside for a time and turn first to this superb Library of America compilation of Franklin's writings. Spanning his life from his early humorous writings (penned at the age of 16) to letters he wrote in the last year of his life (at 84), it is the single best, because most comprehensive, introduction to Franklin.

Carl Van Doren ended his classic biography of Franklin by describing him as "a harmonious human multitude." The phrase has become shorthand for those who try to encompass Franklin's activities as printer, journalist, polemicist, political thinker, writer, economist, demographer, scientist (or "natural philosopher" in the 18th-century phrase), lobbyist, diplomat, and sage. More recent Fra! nklin scholars, such as Esmond Wright and Robert Middlekauff, concede his complexity, but doubt the harmony holding together his various interests, activities, priorities, friendships, and hostilities; they also note that Franklin's genial exterior cloaked a massive and implacable egotism and an unsuspected capacity for strong and often bitter emotion.

All these facets of Franklin emerge from this superbly-edited volume. J. A. Leo Lemay, one of the nation's leading scholars of Franklin's life and work, has produced a volume fully worthy of Franklin and the Library of America series; it will be indispensable to all future students of Benjamin Franklin, of colonial and Revolutionary America, and of the foundations of American literature, science, politics, and government. -- Richard B. Bernstein, Adjunct Professor of Law, New York Law School; Daniel M. Lyons Visiting Professor in American History, Brooklyn College/CUNY (1997-1998); Book Review Editor for Constitutional Books,! H-LAW; and Senior Research Fellow, Council on Citizenship ! Education, Russell Sage College.

I can't say how many political biographies/autobiographies I've read (suffice to say, a lot!), but a few years ago I grew tired of the genre. All too often, these books contain a lot of smug congratulatory prose, assuring the reader that politician X's impact on the nation was unsurpassed.

Not so with Bumpers' book. I was instantly struck by the genuine humility of the author. Bumpers speaks from the heart, and in a very personable manner (I often felt that he was relating this whole memoir to me personally over a cup of coffee). Furthermore, his memoir does not just focus on his political career.

The first half of the book covers Bumpers life before politics. Weaving together dozens of personal anecdotes, Bumpers takes the reader through life in a small Arkansas town in the depression era. These stories are heart-wrenching, and yet often humorous. Naturally, Bumpers ties these sad tales into his liberal, welfare-state political views. And yet, he's neither preachy nor overbearing. Readers may or may not agree with Bumpers' politics; but they cannot deny his sincerity.

The chapters directly relating to Bumpers' political career offer a brief yet fascinating look at recent Arkansas history. One learns of the state's tough progression away from segregation and of two less than stellar governors, Orval Faubus and Winthrop Rockefeller. No doubt Bumpers is a little biased here (since he ran against both of them), but he does not denigrate them (or anyone else) for having different views than him.

The last chapters briefly discuss Bumpers' 24 year Senate career; and end, appropriately, with his eloquent defense of President Clinton during the impeachment trial. This speech doesn't read as well as it was spoken, says Bumpers; but it reads pretty well at that! I was too sickened by the whole charade to watch any of the impeachment trial at the time. So Bumpers speech was new for me and only reinforced my beliefs on the issue.

All in all, Bumpers book is witty, mostly light-hearted and never boring. Whether you're looking for a brief look at life in the south during the depression or want to know more about this fascinating man, pick it up.

Almost the entire first half of this bio deals with Bumpers youth in Depression-era rural Arkansas. Written in a graceful and page tuning style it captures the essence of a different time and space in our country's history.
I would rank it right up there with Russell Bakers GROWING UP.

Dale Bumpers is 10 tears older than I, but given that rural Arkansas small town life was similar from the turn of the century until about to mid 1950s, our boyhood experiences were not disimilar. Bumpers tells his story anecdotally, the way he speaks. It is written with a sharp wit, frequently pointed at himself. It is intelligent, articulate and exactly what one would expect from one of, if not the very best of this nation's senators in the second half of the 20th century. Bumpers was always honest, usually truthful - always hard for a lawyer :-) - and always respectful in his dealing with his constituents. Bumpers, like his predessor, William Fulbright, never suffered fools lightly, and given that he was surrounded by them toward the end of his senate career, it is easy to see why he ended his senate career as a relatively young man - by senate standards. Bumpers never directly answers a question that many who followed his career always wondered about - why did he never run for president? - given that he would have been an exceptionally attractive democratic candidate. One hint he gives us is that he never enjoyed being governor. He always said that one reason he didn't run at one propituous time was that he had a bad knee. However, given the fact that his greatest political model, FDR, who had consumed American politics during his formative years and who he once saw on a presidential trip through Arkansas, (...couldn't even walk" which is a paraphrase of the name of one of his chapters) was handicapped to a far greater extent, it seems odd that a man of Bumper's physical and moral courage never made the race. It may have been that he was unwilling to spend the time and make the moral compromises necessary to raise the obscene amonts of money necesary to make a legitimate bid for a major party nomination, or he may have been put off by the vicious nature of presidential campaigning that developed during the last 20 years, or it may have been that he just refused to put his family under the national media spotlight in which every flaw and weakness is exploited by a modern press following the orders of an every decreasing number of usually right wing owners, producers and publishers. Whatever the reason, the nation lost a master politician who might have changed to course of history. This is his story in his words. A wonderful read. wfh

"Betrayal" is the perfect book for readers interested in espionage but rusty on their Cold War history. It's also a welcome change to fans of Current Events and True Crime books tired of the mediocre research and rampant overwriting endemic to each genre. The authors wisely stick to the case at hand and introduce background only as it pertains to Aldrich Ames. In this way they avoid the odious True Crime approach of devoting multiple chapters to the family tree and childhood of their subject. Better still, the writers do not take undue authority by stating what motivated Ames; rather, they present aspects of the spy's life, such as alcoholism and a faltering marriage, as evidence of what made him tick. Not only do the authors practice good journalism, they respect their readers enough to avoid padding out the book with meandering anecdotes in lieu of characterization. Instead of slogging through forty pages about Ames's high school grades, the reader gets four or five pages of concise and useful detail on U.S.-Soviet relations of importance to this case. It's a shame this book is out of print. It's lean style, respect for relevancy, and use of on-the-record sources make it the most credible study of Aldrich Ames and an enjoyable read years after its release. On a final note, this book should be available second-hand in a normal size format and for less than five dollars. Look around. If you actually found this review it will be worth your time.

This is a very readable book on Espionage and especially demonstrates the weaknesses in our Counter-Intelligence system.

The CIA takes the heat in this book but this story demonstrates an inherint weakness in our security within ALL agencies involved in dealing with sensitive issues.

I felt this book was well written and recommend it to anyone who wants to try and understand how this could have happened.

I've read every book on the Aldrich Ames case (including a new one that recently came out) and I must say that this book was the most difficult one to put down. The story reads like one you would expect from professional journalists -- well documented, precise, and interesting from beginning to end. If I had to recommend one book on this pathetic case of espionage, it would be a "no-brainer" -- get _Betrayal_!!

This book leads you to the knolage of the bill of rightss and helps you understand

In The Bill Of Rights: A User's Guide, Linda Monk covers the history of the Bill of Rights, amendment by amendment, explaining how the Supreme Court has interpreted (and sometimes re-interpreted) each right. She also highlights the role of everyday citizens in enforcing these rights. Now in a completed updated third edition, the stories of ordinary people who made the Bill of Rights the living document it is today are engagingly presented. Of special note is the foreword by United States Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Highly recommended for personal, school, and community political science and constitutional studies collections.

This book is exactly what the title claims it is. It is easy to read and offers some brief but useful background on the English legal tradition which is handy for those wanting to probe the roots of the Bill of Rights. But what makes this book a success are its brilliantly simple explanations and enlightening illustrations (including a generous number of political cartoons) plus the actual words of people involved in key court cases. The User's Guide presents a winning formula for the ideal civics textbook. The lessons here are poignant, profound and memorable. Just what a teacher needs to cultivate a future of informed citizens. Buy this book!

Du Bois took a revolutionary new look at Reconstruction in the 1930's, providing a fresh view that went largely ignored until recent books by Foner and Litwack resuscitated this overlooked period in American history. Du Bois summons up his great intellectual bearing to illustrate that from being the unmitigated failure that Reconstruction has long been portrayed as, it was the crucible of civil rights legislation, a time when there was very definitely hope that America would redefine itself along more egalitarian lines. While the book deals predominately with the black man's point of view, Du Bois offers a principled Marxist view of labor relations at the time, and how the leading Radical Republicans tried to come to terms with the new industrial society that was emerging in America.

Du Bois was a very compelling writer, he cuts through the layers of history to reveal the soul of the persons most greatly affected by Reconstruction. He charts the troubled waters of the Civil War, and the Presidential attempts at Reconstruction which followed the Union victories in the South. He provides a candid view of Lincoln, who struggled with his own prejudices, but eventually came to accept the black man because of the pivotal role he played in the war. Ironically, Du Bois noted a black did not become a man until he showed he could hold a gun in battle.

Du Bois felt Lincoln really did alter his views during the course of the war, no longer favoring the colonist view held by many that blacks should be repatriated to Africa. However, Du Bois felt that Lincoln lacked the convictions to really push forward Reconstruction, that his principal concern remained in reclaiming the Southern states in the Union.

The mighty task of Reconstruction was left up to the Radical Republicans in Congress and the "Black" legislatures that emerges in the South during this time. Du Bois refutes the Dunning-Bowers view that blacks were incapable of forming governments, by providing a chapter on "The Black Proletariat in South Carolina." Here, he shows that blacks fully recognized the enormity of this most propitious moment, but that they ran up against a set of state and federal courts, which refused to hold up their decisions. While blacks were now members of state legislatures and of the US Congress, they did not take over the South, as is often described. Even in South Carolina, where blacks outnumbered whites, blacks were only temporarily able to seize control of the legislature, and force a new state constitution.

This is the book that forms the basis for Foner's excellent book, Reconstruction. Du Bois was the first to realize that Reconstruction was more than just an epilog to the Civil War, but the beginning of the long road to freedom, which took nearly 100 years in the making for blacks in America.

Given the way race relations have unfolded since the book was written, WEB DuBois' tome is THE essential work on the most pivotal and one of the most grossly underrated periods of American history.

Since it is told from the vantage point of a Black American, it stands as one of the essential missing voices in an otherwise neatly politicized and racially sanitized periods of American history and areas of American historical scholarship.

DuBois, writing with an impressive flair, is not bashful about giving credit where it is due, whether to noble and humane slave owners or to the vastly underrated and seldom reported contributions of Negroes during this period. This emphasis alone is a display of courage unlikely to be found except in very rare instances in other books on this subject.

Despite its flair, the book is still dense with details that only a first rate historian could uncover and organize so well. And although the book has been criticized for being too much of a Marxist economic analysis, it is nevertheless accurate, has the full ring of truth and remains relatively non-polemical. And for one partial to non-Marxist economic analyses, I find rather strangely that DuBois' Marxist analysis seems the appropriate tool uniquely suited for analyzing the circumstances of this particular era of American history.

In short, the book is not just another oblique harangue against the American system of racism as it was practiced during the reconstruction era--or as it has been practiced during any era for that matter.

Along side Eric Froner's book, "Reconstruction," this is another tour de force. For essential reading on one of the most important periods in American history, one is unlikely to find in print a better book on this subject. Amen.

DuBois goes state by ruthless state describing the atrocities committed upon black folks by white folks. In one story he tells of a black man riding a mule and a white man wants the mule so he walks up to the black man and shoots him off.
In another story he describes a husband and wife who have traveled miles on foot after the wife (who is pregnant)was beaten unmercifully by her ex-master. Her skin has been ripped to the bone by the cat-o-nine tails