Governments

He was hated for many simply because his no frills and brutal honesty hit too close to home.
In this work Kahane outlines what needs to be done to save Israel and the Jewish people. He rebukes the leftist establishment that claims to represent Jewry, as well as successive Israeli governments. Kahane points out that only a total removal of the Arabs form Israel can stop them from perpetrating genocide against the Jewish people.

Indeed the Arabs have been consumed by the drive to annihilate all the Jews living in the Land of Israel for over 80 years, and have been engaging in killings against the Jewish people in the Jewish homeland since 1920, when they embarked on pogroms in the Old City of Jerusalem against the Jews living there, followed by pogroms against Jews in Israel, in 1921, 1929 and 1936-1939.

Today they vehemently reject any accommodation with the Jewish State, and it is clear that the recent war against Israel by the 'Palestinians' is simply another drive for genocide of the Israeli people.

In this book, Kahane rebukes that leftist, Marxist, secular humanist, 'progressive' leftwing Jews who prevent Israel from doing what is needed to prevent the Arabs from realizing their dreams of genocide, and also for secularizing the Israeli youth leading them to be lost and rootless.
He provides a moving expose of the situation of millions of Sephardic Jews (Jews from North Africa and the Middle East), whose Jewish culture was in some cases brutally removed from them by the leftist Marxist establishment who laid claim to leadership of Israel (the same ones who bend over backwards to accommodate the bloodthirsty Arabs) , and how this community with it's rich culture and history suffers from so much poverty, and how too many young Sephardic Jews have fallen into the cruel trap of drugs, crime and prostitution, the tragic victims of the secular, leftist establishment.

His aim was to save the Jewish people from physical genocide by their enemies, (such as the Arabs and their backers whose aim is genocide of the Israeli people) as well as those elites in Israel who are robbing young Jews of their traditions, pride and religion, and of their true Zionism. These elites are so concerned with making Israel a western humanist democracy that they forget about Israel rich Jewish soul , and about true Zionism , which could truly make Israel strong!

We need to seriously listen to what this great sage said. So much of what he has predicted is now happening.

G-D Bless Israel Forever!
G-D Bless the Children of Israel!

1. the childhood diseases against which the routine vaccinations are given 2. the opinions of the health care professionals on the vaccinations themselves 3. the experiences of parents with vaccinations 4. guidelines on how to gather information about vaccination exemptions and alternative "treatments".

I strongly recommend it. All parents owe to get informed about vaccinations. God the Almighty entrusted our children to us and we need to care for them with knowledge, and pray for the best.

"Warrior rule" is a serious reading for a serious scholar. Due to abundance of Japanese terms, it is not easy to read. However, without getting an exposure to the subject of this book, it is not possible to understand, what really stood behind many military campaigns and moves famous people of those turbulent times and feel the atmosphere of samurai age. The life of famous daimyo was not 100 per cent war, but also administration, politics, influence, economics, rituals, law and justice.

In addition, Harold Bolitho provides a general outline of the concept of Han, or local government, or the government of a daimyo, his area of administration and source of power and structure of loyalties. One learns here concepts of local samurai, fudai (or hereditary retainers, although this concept is quite described by other authors as well), shugo, jito and other concepts necessary to learn history of this legendary age.

The author's chapter "On Meritocracy" was especially insightful. It talks about the need for a "community-based" definition of qualified, rather than an elitist-based definition. This means that when we talk about a community-based definition, we're not looking at just a person's educational credentials, but her ability to contribute to the community in which she will be working. Does her background or experience with that community mean more than her scores on educational tests or her access to priviledged edcuation.

In this regard, the authors write that, "Historically, the demand for affirmative action came from communities with unmet needs. Ghettos, left without basic services because of white flight, needed doctors, lawyers, merchants, and teachers who were unafraid to serve there. Ethnic communities found that, without community-based scholars, their history, their culture was ignored or misinterpreted by outsiders..." Without affirmative action, what we get are people who qualified based on certain instutional credentials, but they lack real talent or history with the communities they serve.

It's really too bad that affirmative action debate has subsided, for it really helps us to grapple with how we build an equitable society where people are not held back because of their lack of previlege or because their racial, economic, or social background.

One of their main theses, and a unique perspective, is to redefine merit from merely a test score to a myriad of qualities -- qualities that insure a successful and productive person and also that benefit all of society. The authors also point out that without affirmative action for women and minorities, we are still operating under the status quo affirmative action -- affirmative action for white males.

This book is a must-read for all progressive people who sincerely believe in a return to affirmative action. We must now make our voices heard!

Although I know the CIA better than I do the FBI, I have spent time in the past ten years with law enforcement officers from over 40 countries including the US, and the bottom line is that the FBI bureaucracy (Supervisory Special Agents and the politically-motivated upper tiers of FBI management) are a worse threat to US security than individual terrorist groups, for the simple reason that as long as the FBI leadership remains in denial, in secret, and ineffective, the entirety of our homeland defense is incapacitated.

The earlier version of this book focused on the decades of historical enmity between CIA and FBI--in the early years, Edgar J. Hoover was clearly to blame for a culture of hostility between the two agencies and between the FBI and military intelligence--in one instance he actually suppressed early knowledge of Japanese intentions on Pearl Harbor obtained from a German agent tasked to fulfill their targeting requirements.

In later years the CIA took on more responsibility for shutting out the FBI, consistently refusing to brief them in to either internal counterintelligence failures, or foreign operations with a strong domestic counterintelligence matter.

What the author has done in the aftermath of 9-11 is update the book and make it even more relevant to every citizen and every elected official and every bureaucrat. The earlier edition made me very angry about how the senior FBI bureaucracy can sacrifice the national interest at the altar of its own selfish agenda of self-preservation and aggrandizement--from Special Agent Rowley to Special Agent Robert Wright, the FBI leadership consistently spends more time censoring and punishing its own people for honesty, than it does chasing terrorists. This new improved edition should make every citizen, every voter angry, and they should instruct their elected representatives that the time has come for a National Security Act that finally reforms national foreign intelligence, military intelligence, and law enforcement intelligence, and in passing, creates the homeland security intelligence act to create a federated system of state and local intelligence and counterintelligence cadres that operate under the jurisdiction of governors and mayors rather than the federal government.

Pogo had it right: we have met the enemy and he is us.

Riebling also takes a somewhat revisionist approach to the Cold War, implying in many places that the secret measures taken againt communist sympathizers by our government weren't that extreme, and noting that they were in fact more modest than those taken by Jefferson, Madison, et. al. against suspected British sympathizers in the early decades of the Republic.

There's a besetting contrarian current or draft in this work, which sometimes Riebling rides to great heights of interpretation (e.g., on KGB deception ops), but which sometimes blows him into dead-ends where the key data is still classified.

The book is rich in detail. There is tradecraft detail here one finds nowhere else -- e.g., Nazi spies' use of butterfly trays to smuggle microdots; the story of Project WALNUT, CIA's first foray into the computerization of its records; a fistfight between FBI agents and CIA officers over custody of a Soviet defector in a Washington, DC restaurant.

There are long stretches where one feels riveted as in the best spy novels. The material on Ian Fleming and the influence of the "James Bond" ethos is especially well done.

Expertly handled too is the vast amount of original mateiral on the colorful and controversial CIA spycatcher James Jesus Angleton, whose approach is explained with patience and precision. Riebling clearly had access to many who worked closely with Angleton, including FBI liaison officer Sam Papich, and as a result there is a sureness of touch where other writers have played false notes.

Overall, despite some disagreements with Riebling's interpretations, I found this book educating and entertaining. It's the only history of our intelligence community I know of which traces our current problems to our past ones. And unlike most other books in the field, it does NOT devolve into nonsenical claims that the U.S. is in imminent danger of becoming a police state simply because it must sometimes use secret weapons against ruthless foes.

This book provides a wealth of information of how to go about finding and claiming your share of the unclaimed billions of dollars held by government agencies and others. I used it successfully to locate funds owed a family member I never would have known about.

When used along with the author's Unclaimed Assets website, - it's really a great deal.

Even more disturbing are Adams' insights into the CIA of the middle and late Sixties. Though deeply entrenched in war in Vietnam, they seemed to take an overall cavalier approach to the mission. Adams notes after Tet-1968 there were "considerably less than 6" CIA agent handlers in Vietnam who spoke vietnamese. These same case officers received a grand total of 2 hours orientation on Vietnam and their enemy prior to assignment.

This book is a MUST read for intelligence personnel, policy makers and anyone who wants to learn how, the hard way, not to run an intelligence organization.

The first thing I want to know about a book on the Irish "Troubles" is: does the author make excuses for terrorism? Nobody who has seen terrorism at close hand can believe that it is a proper method in the pursuit of any goal, nor that unrepentant terrorists are fit people to govern any polity. In this respect Mr Stevenson is clean, his moral sense absolutely sound--an unusual thing among American writers on Ireland. While offering full coverage of the frequent nastiness and illegality of the British state's counter-terrorist actions, and of the cruel viciousness of "loyalist" terrorism, he knows--and shows--Sinn Fein/IRA for what it is: the last (it was also one of the first) of the European fascist parties. No matter who you are--Irish, British, republican, loyalist, Protestant, Catholic--if you disagree with Sinn Fein, they do not disagree politely back (except, of course, on American TV): they break your legs. Then they go and break your mother's legs. That is the reality behind Gerry Adams' unctuous smile. "Ah, but they're only trying to get back their lost land," murmur the apologists. This is like saying that Al Capone was only trying to make a living--an equally true statement. It's a question of METHOD.

Here are the actual trouble-makers of the Troubles. The broad picture Mr Stevenson assembles from his portraits is familiar to anyone who has followed the course of events; but it is told with an admirable objectivity and an appealing undercurrent of optimism--not only optimism for this poor tortured piece of land, but for the possibilities of individual human redemption. In spite of the occasional atrocities of 1996-7, Mr Stevenson believes that the real violence is over, and that the hard men of both sides are struggling to adapt to constitutional methods. I hope he is right