Governments

This at times slightly difficult to read book is very relevant even if the text of the book was published in 1983. Let me give you an idea of the discussion in the book below.
This January 2000 edition contains a new intro by the learned professor. He tries to correct in it a few observations and predictions he believes he got wrong in the original addition. He points out that spectacular growth of the prison-industrial complex since 1981 with an increase of the prison population from 500,000 in 1981 to almost 2 million today. He points out that as jobs with livable wages continue to disappear and with the stock market casino which drove the economy of the 90's getting wrecked, thousands more poor and even middle class whites along with blacks and other minorities will turn up in the prison system. One in five Americans, he writes, now has a criminal record.

In any case, this book is about how Capitalism is black Americans greatest enemy. Racism is an integral part of American capitalism, he stresses. Blacks enslaved because of their race created the wealth which gave this country its economic foundations. Blacks in the South, imprisoned justly or unjustly, provided an ultra-cheap source of labor in the convict-work system under conditions not too far from Nazi concentration camps. He writes that in the 1880's, the mortality rate for blacks in prison in Mississippi was 11 percent. In Arkansas it was 25 percent.

he notes that blacks and white workers combining their power could have made great gains. That they did not is perhaps he says why the standard of living has been so low in the South relative to the rest of the country. White workers apparently were more comfortably keeping blacks down to maintain their status in the white supremacist culture. One interesting thing the author notes about Southern whites is their widespread ownership of firearms. He quotes C. Vann Woodward as saying that Alabama Whites spent more combined on firearms than on farm equipment and tools combined. Firearms were a unique part of the Southern culture and whites carried them everywhere they went and never avoided a chance to use them. He gives interesting statistic that while the national homicide rate of 1926 was 10.1 per 1,000 in Jacksonville Florida it was 75.9, in Birmingham 58.8, Memphis 42.4, Nashville 29.2.

He writes extensively about the idea of "black capitalism" empowering black progress. He spends alot of time writing about Booker T. Washington. Washington is portrayed as an opportunist politically with some bad ideas though he did give covert aid to civil rights activists while he was preaching accomodation with white supremacy in public. Marable says that the black so-caleld conservatives of today like Thomas Sowell are not even fit to carry his mantle. The latter are simply vulgar apologists and obfuscators of the racist/capitalist order.

The problem with black capitalists, the author writes, is that they are capitalists. That means they have to maximize their short-term profit at whatever cost. The well being of the black race only being incidental. Moreover, he goes through laborious statistics showing that black capitalists have had their only substantial successes only when they had captive markets in all-black communities, segregated or otherwise and mostly in "human services" such as barbering and small retail stores. So the author shows that "black capitalism" which was a main platform for Marcus Garvey (who was influenced by Washington), and extended to Elijah Muhammed to the Nation of Islam of current times and was even supported by W.E.B. Dubois until the Great Depression--really does not work.

He writes that the "crises" of capitalism which began in the 70's has hit hard black families the most, of course. Unemployment went down dramatically for blacks in the 60's, he points out because of the government implementing affirmative action to try to eliminate discrimination in employment, migration of blacks from the south to the north to get higher pay jobs and the expanding capitalist economy. The unemployment of nonwhites was 6.4 percent in 1969 and the unemployment for nonwhite married men fell to 2.5 that year from 7.9 in 1962. However nonwhite unemployment was 14 percent by 1975 and unemployment for married nonwhites was 8.3.
He notes that workers losing their jobs because their industries couldn't compete in the U.S. market with foreign producers were awarded substantial amounts of their former pay for 18 months. In December 1980 almost 250,000 workers were obtaining funds for this program but a year later only 12,000 were able to use it. In January 1982, only 37 percent of the unemployed were getting any form of compensation. The umemployment rate reached 17.4 percent for blacks in late 81' though this did not, as no unemployment figures do, include the workers who have stopped actively looking for work for four weeks or more.

He notes the phenomenon of large numbers of workers unable to get employment during large parts of the year i.e. being underemployed and only getting part-time or temporary low wage work. Also he writes a little bit about the "lumpenproletariat"...

Chapter 9 is called "The meaning of racist violence in late capitalism"...IT includes citation (see the endnote) of Daryl Gate's speculation about blood not flowing through the veins of blacks as fast as "normal people," the comment being made in response to several chokehold deaths at the hands of LAPD of minorities.

How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America is an updated edition of Manning Marable's classic in black literature, and has received a new introduction and an update to the book's tables and charts to reflect the latest new data on Afro-American statistics. Marable's cogent and comprehensvie analysis of race and class in the United States down through the country's political and economic history to modern times continues to provide important food for though for a contemporary readership.

A wonderful critique of how blacks have been victimized and belittled in this racist/sexist state. A must read for all races. A real eye opener. Still as valid as the day it was published.

I learned more from this book then I did in all the classes I was required to obtain my political science degree. The main premise of the book is that the Republican and Democratic party leaders collude to keep power, often by not contesting elections that could easily be won with any money or effort expended. A quick example from 25 years after the book's publication should suffice to verify Karp's thesis.In the state of Florida in 1998, half of the congressional seats were not even contested (several other "contests" simply have write-in candidates with zero chance of winning). This was despite the fact that both parties knew winning an extra seat or two might well determine who controlled the next Congress. Unfortunately, this fact is overlooked by not only the public, but all of the so-called experts on TV. Right now, the public perception still is that the parties fight like dogs to win elections at all possible costs. Karp sees what the pundits oftoday can't; namely, the goal of party leaders is to maintain control of their organizations,not to win elections. One quote from former Democratic speaker Sam Rayburn demonstrates this principle;when faced with a coming landslide for his party and a gain of many seats for his party,he ruefully says :"I'd just as soon not have that many Democrats, they'll be difficult to control." This is the shocking but real story of how politics in America really works. A truly indispensable work.

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Karp not only pulls back the curtain on the evils of partisan politics, but goes on to propose a Jeffersonian style of self-government. Some of my favorite analysis from this book includes the following:

* Party oligarchs and their Cold War statism highlights his "principle of waste."

* A State inherently tends toward collusion and monopoly-granting, and therefore expansion, and this necessarily leads to war.

* Special privilege is in direct odds with liberty and self-rule, and only serves to further entrench a ruling political elite. And this he says, is a result of the "Hamiltonian tradition."

* Political ideology necessarily takes the form of the ruling bureaucracy.

*Decentralization [and hence, secession] is the key to breaking the back of the Hamiltonian system.

Karp, a revisionist historian, takes on such sacred cows as FDR, Wilson, Johnson, McKinley, Hamilton, and trade unions (gasp!). It's one of the best books ever on raw political machinations.

For me, the major impression left by this book was it's massive originality. Every page was the equivalent of opening your lunchbox in expectation of the usual bologna sandwich, and finding instead a skyscraper, the Hope diamond, or Elvis' twitching torso. Karp looks at the theories of American politics and attempts to overturn every accepted explanation, always suggesting complex, subtle and powerful alternatives. Whether he succeeds or not you can judge for yourself, but he somehow manages to be always unique on ground previously trodden by so many feet. Yet, he isn't merely a contrarian. His intricate theory retains remarkable consistensy throughout this book and his other three books on politics.

The previous reviewer sums up one of the books main ideas very well. Another argument of the book is that power in America is almost totally monopolized by the two parties -- contrary to most opinion today which seeks to blame anyone and everyone for our problems except the most obvious suspects, the politicians who pass laws and frustrate reform. Since so many pundits blame either the "liberal media elite" or monopolistic corporations for our woes, Karp details the ways in which both groups are under the complete domination of the two parties (his analysis of the media is part of a separate book _Buried Alive_). As Karp points out, the idea isn't new. Madison, Jefferson, Washington, et. al. shouted until they were hoarse about the necessity of zealously watching politicians and rulers. They had little if any concern about journalists, manufacturers and bankers, except insofar as they might become willing tools for would-be despots and oligarchs. But no one except Karp has thoroughly explored the implications of this founding belief in the modern political context.

Anything I write here is redundant to the high praise other reviewers have all ready provided. I learned more about Puerto Rico and its people in 6 chapters of this book, then I did in my years of vacationing there. I view Puerto Rico with a deeper respect, awe and comprehension of the culture as a result of this book. I look forward to moving there even more enthusiastically. Do buy this book, you won't be disappointed!

WOW!!.... was my reaction after reading this book. Very well written, entertaining, romantic and truly filled with political reality.

Being a Puerto Rican, I was skeptical about reading a book with an American view on my "Isla del Encanto" (Island of Enchantment), and even more where politics were involved for fear of feeling offended. But, as they say, "curiosity killed the cat... and the information brought him back", so I decided to read it.

My hat goes off to Mr. Hoyt!. An American that not only shares his views on the island's political status, which he accomplishes in clear concise language and great knowledge through the eyes of Brad Fichton (one of his characters), but is also able to capture and understand with much insight the strong heart-felt sentiment that Puerto Ricans have toward their island.

No matter what political party you identify with you will truly relate with the emotions expressed by the Puerto Rican characters, and will have to agree with the opinions expressed by Brad Fichton. The book is very well documented with facts and the undeniable truth about our political status since the early 1960's. You will come across some great straight-to-the-point speeches made by one of the characters with questions and answers that will undoubtedly have you thinking about our political future.

I encourage every Puerto Rican, and for that matter every American, to engage in a romantic/political journey that will make you either question your identity - if you're a Puerto Rican or inspire curiosity and awareness about our "Isla Verde" - if you're an American.

It's a short book, so it's a quick read. I recommend it.

What a magnificent book! Even if its very light reading, it was just what I was looking for. A book you can read in one or two days by the pool on your Caribbean or Miami vacation. A little bit lopsided in his views, the central character believes that the relationship between PR and the US is unilaterally unfair and that the US is getting the worst part of the bargain.

The author is a little naive in those relative terms, especially when you look at the number of deaths of PuertoRicans in the last 60 years versus Americans in war or military situations. Nonetheless, the romance is there and at least the plot will wet your appetite to read a lot more or actually visit the little but complex Island. The author describes the Virgin Islands as I have experienced them and as your worst fears would materialize, adding suspense to the romance.

Buy this book and pass it along!!!

What strategy is needed to advance the cause of the working class and progressive people? Since Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1930s, many labor, Black, and other progressive movements have supported the "lesser evil" -- usually the Democratic party candidate. Debated here is whether working people should dump this course and seek instead to replace the system which is alternatively administered by "lesser evil" Democrats and "greater evil" Republicans. Read the book and consider the consequences of "coalitionism" vs. independent working class political action.

Eugene V. Debs the socialist revolutionist was fond of saving, "it is better to vote for what you want and not get it, than to vote for what you don't want and get it." Malcolm X was fond of simply pointing out that at every key point in the history of Black people, the Democratic party "has sold us out." This book explains why real revolutionists are trying to chart a course of indepedence for workers, farmers, and the oppressed from the twin parties of capitalism, the Demnocrats and the Republicans.

Can the Republicans and the Democrats help us. Or do we need some new kind of party like the Green party, whichis a more liberal or more progressive party but still built on the model of the Democrats and the Republicans.
The responses that leaders of the Socialist Workers Party give here to people who believe that working people can work in the Democratic party or build other capitalist political parties answer these questions. They point out that the fundamental problem in this society is not liberal ideas or non liberal ideas, but the existence of a capitalist class, the big corporate leaders, and a capitalist system. They explain that politics is a question of taking power out the hands of those people and that system.

This book chronicles a series of debates between supporters of the Democratic and Republican parties and leaders of the Socialist Workers party who believe that working class people, Blacks, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, women, and all who fight for change need to break from the Republican and Democratic parties and the wanna be capitalist parties like the Greens to form a working class political party, a labor party, a party that can fight for power to be placed in the hands of workers and farmers in this country and the world. Its simple, a system is something that seeks to preserve itself. The SWPers demonstrate that Democratic party and other capitalist parties are part of the capitalism system and are not vehicles for liberation, but traps

The in-depth information on the theoretical/pharmacological actions of addiction (and Ibogaine's role on resetting the mind's regulatory systems) alone should be enough of a motivation to buy this book. OK, the story line gets a bit muddled here and there - as the authors weave many independent threads into this contemporary account of growing public awareness of the importance of Ibogaine - but don't let this stop you from reading this book. The research covered by this presentation is about as exciting as REAL science gets. After all, scientific discovery is truly a human drama.

Since the overt suppression of research on "psychedelic" (mind-manifesting) drugs, few animal studies - and far fewer human studies (almost none) - have been authorized by the FDA. This book clearly emphasizes the importance of on-going research based in these important chemicals.

Anyone truly interested in the mechanisms of human consciousness and behavior should absolutely read this seminal work. Our potential as individuals (and by extension as a race) is eternally tied to our ability to understand (and ultimately control) the mechanisms governing individual consciousness. As this book clearly illustrates, addiction is a malfunction of the biomechanics of consciousness - as well as the result of bad decisions. Yet, it appears that it may take more than self-help programs to permanently reverse the damage done. When it comes to curing individuals - and by extension society - of addictive behavior, Ibogaine appears to be just the tool we need to tackle this problem at the source.

I might append "The Ibogaine Story" with this epilogue. The maintenance of our own bodies is an individual responsibility. Learning to do so intelligently is nothing less than a primordial right. Put another way, "big brother" has no authority inside the soul's temple. When it comes to the eternal "war on tyranny," if information is power, than THIS BOOK IS A WEAPON OF MASS ENLIGHTENMENT.

The book is an eye opener for sure. It really puts the war on drugs (the people) in the real world. It's a got to read kind of book, do your self a favor and read it!

Ibogaine, the illegal, boycotted and most effective treatment for addiction known to man. The ibogaine story reveals the behind the scene story of ibogaine and the bogus war on drugs. Ibogaine is a broad spectrum anti-addictive natural substance that has been used for thousands of years by native people. The attempt by the US government and pharmacutical companies to keep it off the market (and information about it from the public) is cruel and criminal. Being safer than asprin and not subject to any abuse potential it does not qualify as a schedule 1 controlled substance with the likes of heroin and cocaine, yet it is so scheduled. Why? Could the government actually want drugs on our streets? Could it be a threat to many billion dollar medications? Read the book for the answers.

I heard about this book in a sermon when I was visiting my sister's place of fellowship in Houston, Tx. The pastor's sermon was centered around the title of this book. It ministered so deeply to me my in time of hurt and seriously doubting God, that I knew I had to have it. I just finished reading it tonight. Through reading this book, my trust in God has been restored, and my soul has been somehow quieted, knowing that God is at work behind the scene. This book is a must read. Yet, I must caution, it is only for the serious readers. It reveals an aspect of God's character that is only appreciated through active, close fellowship. This book will challange you to move beyond a casual distant relationship with God, and literally woo you into deep personal intimacy with Him. As you seriously consume what is conveyed in this book, it will bring a calmness, a quietness, and a confidence in your soul. For the essence of the message of this book is that "all things work together for the good of those who love God". Therefore, even the bad things are good "ultimately", if not "proximately". This book is not an "easy" read. In some places it is a little belabored theologically, but I believe the author used it to make every effort to get his point across. If your faith is in shambles, and you are doubting God, this book may prove to be a life-line to you. It was to me. Take the time to read it. It's well worth the investment.

This is one of the best books I have read on God's providence. With rich Scriptural references and stories, the author shows the extent of God's involvement with His creation.

I've been wanting to review this book for some time now, but my review won't do it justice. Not since I read one of Sproul's earlier books, The Holiness of God, has a book simultaneously shaken my soul and comforted it with the presence of God in this way. This one follows the tradition. Renown for his thought-provoking teachings, Sproul takes the doctrines of God's immanence and providence down from the ivory tower and underscores them in the lives of the biblical characters as well as his own. This is theology at it's finest...truth for living.

Sproul's purpose in writing this book is "to look at the question of providence, not only from a doctrinal viewpoint, but chiefly from an examination of concrete experiences of the flesh-and-blood people whose lives and struggles are recorded for us in sacred Scripture" (2). And this he does par excellence. You can almost feel Abraham's stomach churn as he ponders the immanent sacrifice of his beloved son Isaac, while splitting firewood for the altar early in the morning. You can almost hear the waves of the Nile lapping against the basket of bulrushes which contained the future leader of God's chosen people from slavery to the promised land. You can almost see Joseph's bloodied, mangled, technicolor coat as he wept in the presence of his brothers, compassionately telling them, "you meant evil against me, but God meant it for good in order to bring about this present result, to preserve many people alive" (Gen. 50:20). Our God is not "out there". . . He is right here.

Some of the areas of God's providence that this book touches on deal with God's involvement with His creation through miracles, the display of His glory, evil in the world, prayer, the flow of history and the history of redemption. At least one chapter is devoted to each of these topics which are very broad topics in and of themselves, but Sproul briefly touches on the involvement of God in each one of them displaying His love and purpose for His creation.

Sproul says that providence "is not merely that God looks at human affairs. The point is that He looks after human affairs. He not only watches us, He watches over us" (17). As far as the biblical teaching that all things that work together for good to those who love God is concerned, Sproul makes a clear distinction between the proximate, or soon occurring, and the ultimate. For example, we may experience things in our lives that are supremely good. These things are proximately and ultimately good. But we may also experience things that aren't good at all, but are for our good. Just like veggies to a kid, these things are proximately bad yet ultimately good. Sproul says that when Paul tells us that all things work together for good to those who love God, that he does not say that all things that happen are good things. What Paul is saying is that all things that happen to us, good and bad, are working together for our good. Ultimately it is good that these things happen to us (171).

One of the reasons why I love this book is because Sproul is such a ponderous writer and he writes with the views of history on the tip of his pen. He asks the hard questions and he's lets you search for the answers along with him. Sometimes the answers lead to more questions but never before learning something valuable about the providence and ways of Almighty God. If you've ever charged to the throne of God with the question, "Why?!", read this book. You'll gain invaluable insight into the purposes of God which will give you and incredible thirst for the "Unmoved Mover", as Aristotle called God. This book will bring you to your knees in tears at the feet of your creator God in awe as you realize his involvement in every detail of your life with the goals to make His desires yours and to change you into the likeness of His Son. Afterward, you'll be able to stand higher and firmer in the confidence that He is the sovereign Captain of your soul and the loving Master of your fate. I read this book at a time in my life that I would label "tragic" and it pointed me to the providential grace of God in a way that truly restored my soul to trust in my God. Sometimes He calms the storm . . . sometimes He calms the child.

As a twenty-something, I really don't know much about John or Robert Kennedy other than the vague "Camelot" fantasies tossed around. I acquired this book as part of my recent appetite for understanding JFK/RFK.

I found it to be a light-weight overview of the major periods of JFK's life, along with some information on RFK and Jackie. While it revealed a few new things I hadn't heard before, this book is really of interest primarily as a coffee table book for ocassional perusal, and not for study. It's a great combination of stories you will have heard and pictures you have already seen.

The accompanying CD, however, is particularly interesting in what it reveals about JFK the man and his way of being. Overall, I enjoyed it.

there are over 250 pictures ans documents, it's very complete. the texts are interessing, not boring.
there is a cd also.
we can hear a few dialogues,. there is one with rfk and on the 14 tracks we can hear young caroline.
there is part to rfk and jbk too.
so I enjoyed it.

John F. Kennedy: The Presidential Portfolio features more than 250 photos and documents from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum that capture the essence, style, and excitement of the Kennedy presidency. Included in these pages are the artifacts from a lifetime young Jack's letter requsting to be made Godfather to his brother Teddy, a handwritten fragment of the inaugural adress, correspondence from Nikita Khrushchev, Martin Luther King, Jr., Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy and many others. Providing the backdrop for these images is a carefully rendered narrative highlighting the many remarkable events of Kennedy's life and his presidency: the tremendous physical ailments JFK had to overcome on a daily basis, his privileged chilhhood, transformation from reluctant student to Pulitzer Prize - winning author, dramatic political campaigns, struggle over the Cuban missile crisis, and his efforts to end segregation as well as counter nuclear proliferation, are all recounted here.

To Enhance The Experience of reliving the Kennedy years, a riveting 60 - minute audio CD of JFK'S phone conversations and personal dictations is packaged with the book. The following is a list of the recordings.

- An undated memoir entry concerning JFK'S entrance into politics.

- A dicated letter (circa 1959) to Joseph P. Kennedy on election and poll results.

- A dictated letter (circa 1959) to Jacqueline Kennedy on weekend in Rhode Island.

- Phone Conversation with Sargent Shriver recorded on April 2, 1963 regarding keeping CIA out of the Peace Corps.

- Three phone conversations with Ross Barnett recorded on September 30, 1962, regarding the University of Mississippi crisis.

- Phone conversation with Richard J. Daley recorded on October 28, 1963 regarding the civil rights bill.

- Phone conversation with Charles Halleck recorded on October 29, 1963 regarding the civil rights bill.

- An undated phone conversation between JFK and RFK concerning articles in Newsweek and Time magazines.

-Phone conversation with Dwight D. Eisenhower on October 22, 1962 regarding Cuban missile crisis.

- Phone conversation with Dwight D. Eisenhower on October 28,1962 regarding Cuban missile crisis.

-Phone conversation with Lincoln White on October 26,1962 regarding comments to the press concerning Cuban missile crisis.

- A dictated memoir entry dated November 1963.

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This book weaves Hine's story together with his photographs of kids working in Maine's sardine canneries, Texas cotton fields, New York laundries, Tennessee and Georgia cotton mills and in textile mills all over the U.S. south. He took some of the most haunting photos of dark tunnels and grimy breaker rooms in Pennsylvania coalmines. He went inside glass factories, to farms, and onto city streets at 1 a.m. to photograph children distributing newspapers and 1 p.m. to watch them shining boots.

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If your kids occasionally gripe that they have it tough, get them this book and show them what the word means. Alyssa A. Lappen

Children and adults are both intrigued by this wonderful photo documentation of the history of immigrant children working in the United States. Lewis Hine's pictures tell the story and Russell Freedman's words add a greater depth to this sometimes sad yet beautiful celebration of children at work during the early 20th century.

"Kids At Work" is a great book to tell and show the children of today how hard it was back then. Lewis Hine takes most of the credit. Thanks to his great photos The Declaration Of Dependence was passed. It stated that kids would be dependent and should live a normal kids life. Which concisted of going to school, being able to play freely with other kids ect.. We the children of today thank Lewis Hine for giving us a free life. I also give Ressell Freedman credit for following Mr. Hine and writing this spectacular and amizing book. As far as I am concerned Hine and Freedman greatest authors of all time!!

For more years than Rush Limbaugh has been alive, Martin Duberman has been writing about the cause of social justice for everyone. In "Left Out", he superbly shares his essays and thoughts over the last 35 years. Whether he's battling the neos over freedom for Gays and civil rights for blacks, whether he's twisting arms to write a book on the not-so-moral outlook on a good ol Southern boy, the works are solid and lively. A very clear and persuasive argument and reasoning why the Left is the only place left for those who care. Remember that from womens to civil to gay rights, the Left was on the right side and the conservatives were in the wrong. Do not miss this book thats not afraid to state that clearly and eloquently!

Martin Duberman fully and completely erases the false distinction between scholar and activist, and shows how a clear moral vision must inform scholarship, and how only good scholarship can make for persuasive political activism. These essays, ranging over a thirty year period, reveal that it's the left in American where true patriotim and love of country reside, because only on the left is the belief that America can do better, and actually live up to its promise. Duberman has sustained this posture of compassion and refined his scholarly erudition for over 30 years. Whether discussing women, blacks, gays and lesbians, Duberman's moral sensibility is unfailing. In these times of ironic resignation and crass if trendy cynicism, his consistent vision is inspiring.

Martin Duberman writes with a combination of persuasive scholarly research and a strong sense of personal passion. This book is a thoughtful collection of his essays exploring so many different and important issues. What makes this book so interesting for me is the fact that these essays were written over the last 35 years,helping the reader understand not only the complexity of many of these issues, but the social environment at the time each essay was written. Duberman's insight and empathy come alive. Duberman's introduction, and his notes throughout the book, enhance each essay. His "leftist" spirit has not waned, and these essays are not only well written pieces with important messages, but they are a tribute to Duberman as an important figure voicing the concerns of those who were "left out" in the last 35 years, today, and for the next 35 years!

If you want to understand the world of today you have to work at understanding how it got to be the way it is. This is one of those books that is critical to doing that, I don't say that lightly. This book is what is known as a primary source. It is the record of one, actually several, of the crucial political battles of the last century, told by some of the leading participants in their own words. It is not a history written decades later by someone to explain what went wrong, but a record of a battle as it progressed.

Reading this book you get a better understanding of the following: How it was that the domestic and foreign policy of the new Soviet Union began to deteriorate from a revolutionary one to one that put the narrow needs of day to day diplomacy and deal making first. How the Chinese Communist Party was formed and how it developed. What type of revolution was it's leadership trying to make? Why were the U.S., England, Japan and France so hostile to it? How and why did the Stalinists and Maoists gain leadership and themselves come into being? And much else.

This book is made up of an impressive number of documants, speeches and reports principally by Trotsky, one of the central leaders of the Russian revolution who would not sell out and died fighting Stalin and the destruction of the revolution. The introduction adds much to the book in bringing things up to date. I think this book is useful for historians, anyone wanting to know more about China and the revolution there, and any revolutionaries of today who want to learn from one of the best. It can be particularly useful to political minded workers and young people from Asia

What impresses me about this book is Trotsky's impassioned duty and determination to build a world revolution of the oppressed and to clear the way for the working people of China from the waste, confusion, and defeats that Stalinism of the Stalin and Mao varieties have imposed on them.

Thirty years ago many people would have thought reading a book about the liberation of a country from semicolonialism would no longer be necessary as we enter the 21st Century. However, it seems that lead by the USA, the imperialist powers of Western Europe and Japan are in a growing drive to deepen their control over countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Sadly, the lessons in this book drawn from the struggle of peasants and workers in China in the first 40 years of this century, are becoming more and more applicable around the world.

The Chinese Revolution was one of the great developments of the 20th century, and the challenges and lessons it provides remain of great importance today. Imperialism and imperialist war, colonialism, revolutionary Marxism vs. Stalinism and Maoism, concepts of armed struggle, mass struggle, of constructing a revolutionary party, the character of a workers and peasants government, of a workers-peasant alliance-- all were tested in the turbulent, living experience of social crisis, repression, war and massive worker and peasant uprisings.

This lengthy collection brings together the writings of Leon Trotsky on China from 1925 to his death in 1940. Trotsky was, along with V. I. Lenin, a central leader of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and the early years of the Communist International. After the death of Lenin in 1924, Trotsky led the fight against the degeneration of that revolution and the rise of a conservative, privileged bureaucracy headed by Josef Stalin. Revolutionary policies in China at the time were at the heart of the differences between revolutionaries and Stalinists. Trotsky gives detailed and extensive analysis very useful today, both for the issues covered and as an example of how to use the Marxist method to orient revolutionary fighters in the living world.

The collection includes a substantial introduction by long-time Chinese revolutionary Peng Shu-tse, covering the history of China during these years, which I found useful for putting Trotsky's writings in context.

Also recommended: The Chinese Communist Party in Power, by Peng Shu-tse; The History of the Russian Revolution, by Leon Trotsky; and Capitalism's World Disorder, by Jack Barnes.