Governments

The only book on the subject availible, and long overdue. Elaine DePrince writes from the heart, with a sharp eye for contradictions. Though it is a personal story of pain and loss, anyone who reads it can not come away without a sense of outrage. It is a story that should have been writen ten years ago about a forgotten group forced into the battle against HIV?AIDS unarmed and unprepared, but continues to fight back to the last man and woman if necessary. Every health care worker, doctor, and politician should read this, and if it doesn't scare them silly, they are not paying attention.

This book serves well as both the intimate story of a family whose lives have been profoundly altered by AIDS, and an expose of the events that allowed this deadly disease to invade them.

While the average American probably believes, as I did until recently, that the infection of thousands of hemophiliacs with the AIDS virus was an unavoidable tragedy, DePrince uncovers the awful truth that for many, if not most, hemophiliacs, infection with AIDS and the deadly hepatitis C virus was not only avoidable, but that the government and hemophilia profiteers (like Bayer "The Aspirin People") chose not to act to produce a safer product in favor of bigger profits.

DePrince also reminds us that the tragedy experienced by the hemophilia community isn't an isolated incident. Many millions of Americans are exposed to blood products each year, sometimes unknowingly, which means anyone at anytime could find themselves facing infection with HIV, HCV, or perhaps some unknown virus making its way into the blood supply today. Blood safety is an important issue to everyone - not just those who rely on blood products regularly. DePrince also advocates for the passage of the Ricky Ray Hemophilia Relief Fund Act which provides compassionate payments to victims of this disaster along with important improvements to blood safety.

Read this book as if your life depended on it.

The only book on the subject availible, and long overdue. Elaine DePrince writes from the heart, with a sharp eye for contradictions. Though it is a personal story of pain and loss, anyone who reads it can not come away without a sense of outrage. It is a story that should have been writen ten years ago about a forgotten group forced into the battle against HIV?AIDS unarmed and unprepared, but continues to fight back to the last man and woman if necessary. Every health care worker, doctor, and politician should read this, and if it doesn't scare them silly, they are not paying attention

I love this Southern author. She is awesome. I have read all her books now & I've loved them all. Her books have a little of everything: humor, romance, suspense. I can't wait for any new books that she has coming.

Wonderfully written. Daugharty has a true "voice of the South". This story grabs you from the start and keeps you going.

Janice Daugharty is a fantastic storyteller. She creates original storylines and unforgettable characters. "Dark of the Moon" is sensuous and romantic, but life affirming as well. The central character, Merdie is unhappily married to an abusive man. When a stranger enters their closed world, she must decide whether to remain the dutiful wife and stay with her family or lose everything and leave with the man she has fallen in love with. Merdie's dilemma is enlightening and inspiring; sometimes you must follow your heart. I loved this book so much. Janice Daugharty is a remarkable writer and I am desperate to read any new book that she has written.

Unlike the political commentators of the late 20th and early 21st century (watchers of Sunday public affairs programs and AM radio listeners know who they are), the commentators of the 18th century actually had something of substance to say. This was a time when education was rare, but when done was done well. The New American Library does its usual exceptional job in assembling the material in this book including some of the more important selections from the Federalist Papers as well as some of the writings of the anti-Federalists. Here the role of the government and the nature of freedom are really explored. Life was better before politics became about feeling and emotion. Every American should read this book, but only if he wants to really understand the basis of the American experiment.

Study of the Federalist Papers, of course included in this two volume series, is a conduit for understanding the American ethic. When the Federalist Papers are viewed as included in this chronological deliberation between the Federalists and Antifederalists, they become even more profound than the enormous depth they can achieve when read alone. The concerns of Brutus and Agrippa are answered, the repititive call for a 'Bill of Rights' revealed. Madison wrote to Jefferson in 1825 defining the Federalist Papers as 'may fairly enough be regarded as the most authentic exposition of the text of the federal constituion, as understood by the Body which prepared & the authority which accepted it.' The enormous insight gained from tracking the arguments and concerns of the proposed Constituion , and the responses of the Federalist cannot be easily estimated, yet the result is a much more informed conscience of the American experience. Madison in the same letter mentioned above stated that Federalist Essays did not foresee all the misconstructions which to that date had occured, nor prevent some it did foresee. For the concerned and deliberate citizen of today many of these issues remain, issues such as Federalism are current topics and all too often the opinions of the few become the conscience of the many, examining these volume will do much to alleviate this vexing condition. More alarming is the realization that many of the fears of the Antifederalists have become a reality in todays polity. An excellent and comprehensive collection thank you Bernard Bailyn.

Editor Bernard Bailyn has assembled a first-rate collection of letters, circulars, pamphlets, speeches, and what would be the colonial equivalent of modern op-ed pieces that allows today's readers to witness the founding of a government through the eyes of (and with the voices of) those who were really there. But don't be fooled into thinking this is going to be the stilted, polite prose that often belongs to 18th century philosophers or debaters. Many of the pieces Bailyn has selected are remakrkably spry and teeming with understated wit.

Those who think that mud-slinging, negative campaigning, and assaults on the integrity of the opponent are modern day creations may be surprised to see that those in the 18th century could be just as nitpicky, petty, and ascerbic as their present day decendants -- and yet still remain surprisingly gentlemanly about the whole thing. Some letter writers absolutely seethe with irritation at their opposition, and by presenting his debaters in roughly chronological order, Bailyn ensures that for every "Oh yeah?" uttered by a Federalist, there will soon be a responsive "Yeah!" from the anti-Federalist side. It all makes for lively and informative reading, and one wonders if such a critical debate could be carried out with such manners in today's media.

It should come as no surprise that most of the Hamilton-Madison-Jay Federalist Papers are in here, as are the level-headed, persuasive anti-Federalist arguments of James Wilson and George Mason. But the real jewels in these volumes lie in the thoughtful and frank correspondence that passed back and forth between not only the Major Players, but also between some of the lesser-known writers, who make their cases for or against the Constitution with genuine passion and conviction.

Bailyn wisely leaves the spin to the writers themselves, but when he does step in, Bailyn is a most helpful editor, and the final 240 pages contain short biographies of every writer (or letter recipient) in the book, an informative chronology of events (and Bailyn makes sure readers have a perspective for the debates in this book by starting the chronology in 1774, some 13 years before the first words in this book were spoken), and competent notes on the text to help readers unfamiliar with some of the players or events keep everything sorted out.

Even though we all have the luxury of knowing that Everything Came Out All Right In The End -- the Constitution was ratified -- there is still quite a bit of drama here, particularly in the debates in the State Ratifying Conventions, which are carried out with suitable handwringing and bluster on both sides. Appropriately, then, the final piece in here is the dramatic speech the previously skeptical John Hancock delivered in the Massachusetts convention, informing his colleagues he would, indeed, vote for ratification. Hancock's words are as stirring now as they were then -- but I'll let you read them for yourself.

If you have the opportunity, purchase both Volume I and Volume II together. Not only will you get the complete debates (Volume I ends in February 1788; volume II is needed to make it to August), but you'll also get one of the Library of America's typically attractive slip-cases. It's a little more expensive, but worth it.

Several years ago, I was helping corporate clients prepare for a trade show in Sichuan Province. We put together a thorough guide to doing business in the province, covering its history, natural resources, legal requirements and related topics. If we didn't have the necessary information readily at hand, we could easily get it -- even the latest rules for joint ventures. But when we needed contact information on the province's government officials, it was almost nowhere to be found. We finally managed to assemble a useful directory -- but would have been delighted to have had access to a far more complete directory, like the one found in this superb Pacificom book. And we were looking for names in just one province. Here you can find listings for almost every part of China. If you need an up-to-date resource, to save you hours or even days of work, this is the directory I would recommend.

This is by far the most thorough and up-to-date compendium of Chinese government and officialdom that I've seen. As someone who has been doing business in China for several years, I've been frustrated time and again by the lack of current, complete contact details. Other directories, many of them several times more expensive, purport to provide the information. Most are out of date before the ink is dry. This one delivers. In addition to central government functionaries, it lists party officials, military types and municipal, provincial and diplomatic offices - no easy task at a time when there's so much shuffling and reorganization in official China. I was pleasantly surprised to find website addresses for so many government offices. This book is well organized and, apparently, will be updated frequently by mail and online. Those of us who do business in China can only say: It's about time!

Directory of Chinese Government and Organizations is a "must buy" for anyone who is serious about conducting business in China. The comprehensive nature and detail shown in this publication is a mark that a true expert, who is knowledgeable of how to successfully conduct business in China, wrote this guide. No other guide offers the variety of industries as this one. Plus, the ability to search organizations by province, and by national, and state government is an added benefit. I know that one of the greatest challenges that many people have faced when working with Chinese agencies is finding the right person to contact. This is the first book of this type that I have seen here in the US. Not even the most respected sources, including the Wall Street Journal can match the caliber and standards of this publication. I look forward to future publications. I give it 5 stars and the authors and publishers at PacifiCom, Inc. and Gala Worldwide Communications have my full endorsement!

This collection offers an invaluable contribution to the debates about gays and lesbians serving in the military. For anyone interested in thinking through the issues rigorously, this book is a "must read."

A compelling reading of an important, and increasingly timely, topic -- impressively well-researched and clearly written.

How incredible to have an intellectual discussion of such a politically charged topic. This work skillfully dissects multiple viewpoints of the ongoing policy debate that have prevented gays from serving in the military. In contrast to the superficial discussion of this topic in the news media, Belkin and Bateman present a thoughtful and reflective commentary on all aspects of this complex debate. "Don't ask, Don't tell" is truly an impressive and stimulating book.

¿Que hacer? ¿Que podemos hacer: trabajadores, agricultores, jóvenes-- viviendo todas las consecuencias de la creciente crisis capitalista? ¿Y cómo hacerlo juntos, y no en formas aisladas e ineficaces?
Este libro contiene muchas materiales para estudiar, aprender y aprovechar sobre estas cuestiones tan importantes. Se trata sobre todo de experiencias de trabajadores socialistas en Estados Unidos, pero las lecciones son bien relevantes en cualquier parte del mundo. ¡Un libro de historia y de acción obrera!
Analiza el desarrollo de la sociedad capitalista desde los años 70, el impacto de los movimientos de mases para los derechos civiles del pueblo negro y los chicanos, las luchas reivindicando igualdad para las mujeres, la lucha en contra la guerra norteamericana en Vietnam. También ricas experiencias de lucha obrera: la huelga nacional de los mineros de carbón, la lucha para organizar el astillero Newport News y más. Y cuestiones de tácticas y estrategias para organizarse: relaciones entre obreros de conciencia de clase y la burocracia sindical, propaganda y agitación, organización y formación de un partido de vanguardia de los trabajadores.
Me gusta mucho la sección de fotos, que presenta imágenes vivos de los seres humanos envueltos en distintas luchas del pueblo trabajador.
¡Léalo y compártelo con otros compañeros y compañeras!

El sindicato es demasiado débil. La dirección es un amigo del patrón.
Toda la gente se queda con los que hablan su lengua y en la cafetería no
se mezclan con los demás. Uno quiere luchar junto por los demás, a favor
de todos los trabajadores, ¿pero cuando vamos unir? Este libro es un
manual para los decidios a tomar un próximo paso. Plantea como debemos
ser internacionalistas; pensar y actuar en términos internacionales;
usar, cambiar y transformar nuestros sindicatos en armas políticas y
sociales en contra todos los súper ricos. Tenemos que construir la
unidad de todos las "razas", entre hombres y mujeres, entre los
inmigrantes y los trabajadores "nacidos en los Estados Unidos". Sobre
todo, tenemos que construir el partido revolucionario de los
trabajadores más consciente y más solidario de todos. El premio para
este proceso es un futuro realmente humano: tomar el poder político, tal
como los trabajadores cubanos hicieron hace más de 40 años -pero aquí en
las entrañas de la bestia imperial yanqui-. Esto es un libro por cada
trabajador y trabajadora consciente.

To understand the world you need this book. Since the middle
1970s life for working people in the US has been the ups and downs of attacks on our standards of living, little depressions,booms,more attacks, more wars, racism, even threats of fascism, a stock market crash, and now a looming world economic
crisis. The documents assembled in this book from the 1970s, the 1980s, the 1990s chart this development from the standpoint of the Socialist Workers Party. Just as importantly, they chart the lessons and strategies of building a working class response to
this change, and the creative experience of the SWP in building a revolutionary workers party into the twenty-first century. Some day this book will rank with Lenin's What is to be Done, Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution, and Cannon's Struggle for a proletarian party among the tools socialist workers use to change the world

"Democracy in America", published in two parts (the first in 1835, the second in 1840), is the great work of Alexis de Tocqueville, a young, aristocratic Frenchman, who traveled through most of the Eastern, Southern, and Midwestern United States during a 9 month period in 1832. Tocqueville had originally set out to study the U.S. prison system but what he saw inspired him to write about much, much more.

The foresight he had for such a young man is really impressive to read 160 years later. What he saw in the morals, work ethic and government structure of the United States led him to accurately predict many of the ways in which the U.S. would lead and has led the world. At the same time Tocqueville was not oblivious to many of the ills in the America he saw. He very wisely writes of the cancer that the institution of slavery was to not only all black Americans, but to the white, Southern farmers and workers as well.

I hate having to give these books "stars" for ratings because in many cases it takes away from the ultimate importance and classic status of a book like this one. Tocqueville does tend to jump around and venture off into different topics that don't fit with the rest of their chapter, which could be attributed to his youth. Also, a few of his predictions, naturally, were way off. A native Texan, I had a good laugh at his view that "the province of Texas is still part of the Mexican dominions, but it will soon contain no Mexicans." But overall Tocqueville's view of America was honest, accurate, and the perfect explanation of why, on a daily basis, people continue to risk their lives to gain the freedom that only the United States of America offers.

This is one of the greatest books ever written on politics! Toqueville analyzes American democracy and its inherent strengths and weaknesses from the view of a foreigner, thus giving the reader a balanced view of the situation. A definite must-read for anyone concerned with politics and American politics in particular.

for any gov., hist., econ., soc., anth. student a must read

This mystery held my interest throughout, both the evil guys and the good ones. After reading this book, I went out and bought the ealilier ones in the series which captureed the purity of life in West Virginia.

Plot overview: Transportation investigator Owen Allison recently left his lucrative consulting practice in California to help his mother back home in West Virginia in her fight against cancer. His ex-wife and current lover, Judith, is also back on the West Coast, and now that his mother has mostly recovered, he's itching to get back to his life, to stimulate both his portfolio and his love life.
But before he has a chance to leave his small hometown of Barkley, West Virginia, a local dam breaks, sending a black ribbon of coal sludge cascading miles and miles through the hollows across the region. Four people lose their lives in the accident, and the ambulance chasers gnash their teeth and formulate strategies for the inevitable lawsuits against big coal.
It turns out that Owen knows the owner of the coal mine, a good ol' boy from his high school class whose success has surprised everyone, even himself. What's more, the classmate knows that finding out why things fail is Owen's specialty, and he hires him on the spot to figure out just what went wrong. Judith and his California practice will have to wait, but Owen is only half-worried about letting those things slide. He's thrilled to be back in the thick of things, and readers will be, too, in another quirky, engaging installment in John Billheimer's unusual and winning series.

Another great Owen Alison book. As usual, we get to meet an array of quirky, well-drawn characters, including the larcenous Cable Stokes, his brother Anson, and mining engineer Emily Kruk. Billheimer's book are always a fun blend of humor and excitement--the book really races along.

One of the pleasures of this series is watching Owen's relationships with other characters deepen an grow as the books progress. Though you don't need to have read any of the other books to enjoy this one, if this is your first Owen Alison book you'll want to go back and read the others just to find out what's happened in the past. These books are one of my favorite mystery series.

Fans of John Billheimer's Owen Allison series will enjoy this latest episode. Billheimer's talent for dialog reveals more about the West Virginia psyche in this book than all the others combined. And the action is fast paced from beginning to end. I could not put it down. Especially interesting is the re-emergence of characters from earlier books who play a key role. Billheimer character development continues to an unexpected ending. You come away asking if there could be other scams this region of the country could suffer. I expect we will see this answers in upcoming books from this fine author.

I had to read this for Civics class, and it is about Earl Long, the governor of Louisiana who was Huey's brother. Earl is quite a character- he does many unusual things like buying out grocery stores when the potatoes are on sale, looking through coupons to get a bargain price, giving out free hams during his campaign, and many other things that will make you laugh. He stood up for blacks when that wasn't popular and was called a "N lover". The book is entertaining and will introduce you to Louisiana politics.

I came across this old volume while cleaning out a crowded book shelf yesterday. Intrigued by the first line ("Southern political personalities, like sweet corn, travel badly."), I ambled on ahead for a few pages - and couldn't stop reading until the very last line on the last page ("As I send this manuscript to the publisher, the grass-eaters and the nuts have taken over the streets of New Orleans.") In between first and last lines are some of the most colorful, cold-blooded, hot-tempered, loud-mouthed Southern politicians you'd ever want to meet - described first-hand in 1959 by one of the wryest, dryest, most sardonic Yankee writers you'd ever want to read.

On the cover is a picture of Earl Long - governor of Louisiana in the 'fifties and brother of the legendary Huey ("Share the Wealth") Long who was assassinated at the State Capitol during the 1930s. Earl started out underrated ("wouldn't make a patch on Huey's pants") but grew in political power to the enrichment of his cronies - and ironically, to the benefit of the state's colored people. Earl Long - as governor - was able to hold off the most vicious attacks on African-Americans in Louisiana - which for a time was less oppressive than sister strongholds of racism like Mississippi.

On the back of my book - in shirt sleeves with a glass in hand - is a black-and-white photo of the chubby, bald A. J. Liebling who started covering the 1959 campaign just after the ranting Gov. Long was steered off the floor of the state legislature and physically forced into a car and driven to a Texas insane asylum, where he was signed in as mentally unsound by his own wife, Blanche. That event drew Liebling's attention - and inspired this wild, true tale of political double-dealing, deal-making, and cynical race-baiting. Liebling came to Louisiana curious about Earl Long - and left a grudging admirer of a man who could attack the rich while thinning out their wallets, condemn black people while giving them more state jobs, and rave like a lunatic while practicing shrewd, realistic political artistry.

The raw jokes, the Southern speech-patterns, the rural metaphors, the genuine ignorance and the feined ignorance, the rich cuisine, the heat - ever the blanketing heat - are captured quickly and perfectly. This book is for you if you like politics, H. L. Mencken, brilliant stump oratory, or American history. Obviously, I enjoyed it as much as - well, to steal a phrase from Uncle Earl - as much as a hog loves slop.

A.J. Liebling has insights into politics like very few other journalists -- and all of his keen observations are on parade in this landmark book. "The Earl of Louisiana," which was originally written as a series of dispatches for The New Yorker, is, first and foremost, a rollicking story. In addition to Governor Earl K. Long, Liebling paints wonderfully colorful portraits of a number of Louisiana's political denizens, including New Orleans Mayor Maurice Delessups, singing cowboy candidate Jimmie Davis and white supremacist scoundrel Willie Rainach. Liebling wades through the bizarre political culture of Louisiana, setting his penetrating eye on all manner of rallies, dinners and barroom jaunts where politics are discussed and dissected. Particularly entertaining is Liebling's voyage into the domain of the Old Regulars, a stalwart race-fixing organization, based in New Orleans. Over the course of his long career, Liebling produced some utterly remarkable journalism. Indeed, his writings on horse-race fixer Col. John R. Stingo in "The Honest Rainmaker," or French cuisine in "Between Meals," or on the vibrancy of Chicago in "Second City" are all classic works in the field of journalism. "The Earl of Louisiana" is at least the equal of any of those, and in many ways surpasses them.

A brilliant overview of Africa's abundant wealth, and a vital critique of the failed socialist policies which ruined Africa's economies.

Godfrey Mwakikagile should be commended for showing us that Africa is not an entirely hopeless continent. The main problem is its leaders, busy stealin'. And spending huge amounts of money on weapons to kill their own people, whom they also regularly starve into submission.

"Economic Development in Africa" is also an inspiring book. It should encourage us to unite and integrate our economies. As the author says, the continent has huge potential. But without economic integration, Africa will indeed be a hopeless continent.

There are, however, hopeful signs. In East Africa, we have the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar (Tanzania), with problems of course, but enough proof that African countries can indeed unite. We also have revived the East African Comunity made up of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, and there is serious talk of these countries forming a political union. In southern Africa is the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and in West Africa, ECOWAS, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) which already has plans to introduce a common currency, the Eco, by 2004.

So, there is hope. And we need more books like "Economic Development in Africa," especially by our own African writers like Godfrey Mwakikagile, to encourage us and point in the right direction. We are already headed that way. But we need the right kind of leaders to go all the way.

As an African myself, I am both proud and ashamed of our continent, supposedly the richest yet poorest. Why are we in such a mess?

Godfrey Mwakikagile from neighboring Tanzania - I come from Zambia - provides some of the answers in his excellent study, "Economic Development in Africa." We have had bad leadership for decades since independence; we have pursued wrong policies; we have not fully used our potential; and we are hopelessly disunited, despite claims to the contrary, as we continue to pay lip service to regional integration and African unity on a continental scale.

There is no other continent so richly endowed in natural resources; and probably no other continent so fertile in different parts of this huge land mass, the second largest after Asia. It is estimated that there are four acres of arable land for every African; yet, on average, less than one acre is under cultivation. And tens of millions of Africans are starving or undernourished. Eating one meal a day is a luxury; one every other day, the norm for millions.

It is potentially the richest continent. But it is also the poorest, the most battle-scarred, disease-ridden, and least developed. This is also a continent where the people would not only be able to feed themselves; they would be able to feed fellow Africans in less endowed areas instead of seeking international relief. It is also a continent which used to export food in the thirties, forties and fifties. Now it imports even beans and maize which we can easily grow ourselves in abundance.

Even debt forgiveness won't do us much good unless our leaders are held accountable for their actions. Instead, they are busy stealing from us, depositing in foreign banks what should be used to develop our countries. They even steal foreign aid coming from donor nations. The masses hardly get anything. Forgiving poor countries is a good idea. But also remember who's being forgiven: the leaders for what they stole.

Make them return what they stole. Donor nations can make them do that because that's where our leaders hide the money, the gold and diamonds, they stole from us. That's also where they go to buy expensive merchandise. Don't let them in, and freeze their accounts. And tell them to stay where they are, in their countries, and work with their people to develop their countries.

Africa is not going to be developed by outsiders. We are the only people who can develop our continent. But we must have the right kind of leadership, and we must work together. The author makes a very strong case, and an impassioned plea, for regional integration without which Africa is doomed. That, alone, is good reason why African government officials should read "Economic Development in Africa" by Godfrey Mwakikagile, one of our most clear-headed writers and articulate Pan-African spokesmen on a continent being led astray by our leaders, many of them muddle-headed.

What struck me most about Dr. Godfrey Mwakikagile's book, "Economic Development in Africa," is the vast amount of wealth the continent has: the minerals, agricultural products, the superbly fertile land in many parts of the continent, and much more...The unscrupulous nature of most African leaders is one of the highly volatile subjects the author addresses in his book. The book is also an excellent guide for those who don't know much about but want to invest in Africa. The focus is on sub-Saharan Africa where the author has examined the economic potential of every country, from crops to minerals. And as a textbook for development and comparative studies, it has rightfully earned its place in university libraries and on the shelves of economics and international relations professors.

But the book is equally important to members of the general public who want to know about the economic potential of the world's poorest continent. They'll find out that Africa is not really that poor. It is the leaders who have made it poor. And it is the leadership that must change in order for the continent to exploit its full potential for the benefit of all its people. They have suffered enough. And Godfrey Mwakikagile makes that clear. African leaders should, at least, have the decency to concede that much.