Governments

If only Nevada could get this caliber of politician.

Politics Western Style should be required reading for every voter or future voter in Idaho and Washington. Andrus' book is rare among political memoirs; he relates his experiences while not overinflating his role. The book is written in a style that befits Idaho's last Democratic governor, humorous, insightful, and never too urbane. Before he was "The Guv" Andrus was a logger, and his writing demonstrates the intelligence of the man while never, as they say in West Virginia, "gittin' 'buv his raisins". While not every Idahoan agreed with Andrus, they voted for him because, just like his book, Andrus stayed true to who he was. This book provides not only good stories, but a roadmap to responsible government. Read it.

Well...I was assigned to read this book for my poli sci class and at first, thought it was going to be boring...boy was i wrong;) This book is great! It bears down in detail the things Andrus fought through while being the Secretary of the Interior under President Jimmy Carters cabinet. It also tells you the environmental issues that he fought through to preserve things such as the spawning grounds for salmon and a lot more. Anyways...If I where you, I'd read this book. It rocks!

This remarkable collection of essays and reports comes from the pen of Chen Shu-tse, the central leader of the revolutionary Marxists in China from the 1920s through the 1960s. As a young rebel Chen worked together with Mao Tse-tung to develop a revolutionary party of the working people beginning in 1919. This comradely relationship lasted until the Stalinist degeneration that overtook the Russian soviet leadership in the 1925-29 period overwhelmed the Chinese Communist Party. Chen and his followers were expelled from the party in 1929 and subsequently became known as Trotskyists. As such they continued the battle to build a revolutionary workers party in China.

In the 1925-27 revolutionary upheaval, the Communist Party achieved a decisive leadership position among the masses of urban workers in China. But the party, under Mao's leadership, and working along the lines of Comintern policy, attempted to build an alliance with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang. The Kuomintang was a nationalist party increasingly coming under the control of China's tyrannical landlords. This mistaken policy resulted in a massacre of the Communist-led workers in Shanghai carried out by Chiang's troops. Chen and his followers opposed this disastrous course.

A large portion of this 580-page book deals with the explanation of how the Stalinized Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949. In the post-WWII chaos the peasant masses surged forward repeatedly demanding control of the land and its resources and an end to landlord parasitism. The weakened Kuomintang was like a rotting wooden raft in this stormy revolutionary sea which served as the only hope of salvation for the wealthy and privileged elements in China, and they found themselves desparately clinging to it.

The Communist Party, having retreated to Yenan in 1934 after a series of defeats, found itself bolstered by the massive influx of worker and peasant fighters who saw this party as the starting point of opposition to the decaying Kuomintang regime. In the years leading to the insurrection of 1949, Chen explains, the CCP (a non-revolutionary, Stalinist party) repeatedly sought to dampen the rising struggles of the oppressed masses, to limit their gains, and to come to terms with Chiang in the formation of a coalition government. The Kuomintang was too weak, however, and the outcome of the struggle was determined by its own inner logic, not the aims of the CCP.

Forced to flee to Hong Kong in 1948 Chen continued to guide the Chinese Trotskyist movement as well as to participate in discussion and debates among revolutionary Marxist leaders worldwide. He supported the 1949 victory of the Chinese revolution, which was a giant gain for the masses of workers and peasants in spite of the Stalinist leadership. A workers state was formed. But he stressed that the accession to power of Mao's party did not change its essentially counterrevolutionary character. In order for the masses of Chinese people to achieve their liberation from all forms of exploitation they would need to effect a political revolution to bring to power a genuine Marxist party. This party would then serve as the vehicle for bringing the weight of the Chinese masses to bear in the worldwide struggle for socialism.

The Chinese revolution that triumphed in 1949 was a mighty event, which shook the world. The Chinese workers and farmers, in spite of their misleadership, tore one-fourth of the world's population out of the hands of U.S. British, German, French, and Japanese capitalists (all had investments and huge holdings in China at one time or another), out of the hands of what Malcolm X called the "Western or American system of imperialism." Read this book and "The Third Chinese Revolution And Its Development" and " Maoism Vs. Bolshevism", and learn what Malcolm found so admirable about the Chinese Revolution. Also here you will find the history of betrayals by the wish-they-were-capitalists-themselves Maoist-Stalinist bureaucrats who still rule today.All this in the testimony of two veteran communist fighters, Peng Shu-tse and Chen Pi-lan, who opposed imperialism and its puppets in action, as well as the monstrosities of Maoism. The resistance of the Chinese working class to the pro-capitalist "reforms" and to the attempted selling of the nation, its wealth, and its people by the bureaucracy to the same imperialists kicked out in 1949 has barely begun (3,000 illegal strikes in one year alone in the midnineties). That resistance will shake the whole world again.For the story of China today you need "Capitalism's World Disorder" by Jack Barnes.

I had the honor of knowing and working with ST Peng a little in the 1960s and 1970s. This was a man who had worked with Lenin and Trotsky in the Comintern who had stood up the Chiang Kai Shek, and to Maoism. This was a serious revolutionary Marxist who became a focus for former Red Guards escaping Mao who went all the way to Paris to learn from him. These articles and documents explain the nature of the Chinese revolution, its strength and its betrayal by Stalinism, as well as the capacities of Chinese workers and peasants to change the world. In his writing, Peng had the gift to be both theoretically clear as a revolutionist, and to be concrete as a writer showing how what he was talking about affected the real lives of the Chinese people. Of great interest is his depiction of how the "higher officials" actually lived their lives of privilege and luxury in the supposed days of "Maoist austerity.: As new battles are simmering in China-- strikes, demonstrations, protests--the new generation of fighters must find this wonderful book by one of China's first generation of real communists.

It is not uncommon for writers of britcoms to supplement a successful television series with a text-based adaptation, and such is indeed what writers Jonathan Lynn and Antony Jay have done with Yes Minister (and its sequel, Yes Prime Minister). It is uncommon, however, to find such a good one.

Every bit as erudite and witty as the series upon which it is based, The Complete Yes Minister (originally published in 1984 and subtitled The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister), is ostensibly by the Right Hon. James Hacker MP (with Lynn and Jay serving merely as humble editors!). The year is 2019--and no this is NOT science fiction! Although Hacker kept a daily diary of his experiences and opinions whilst in office in the 1980s, the subsequent passage of time has resulted in the expiration of the Thirty-Year Rule. What this means is that the editors (who are writing from Hacker College, Oxford, by the way!) now conveniently have access to (and are able to publish) copies of all the memos and minutes written by Sir Humphrey Appleby (amongst others)--copies of which are included in the book, thereby providing us with a perspective other than Hacker's rather narrow (and, at least initially, innocent) one.

The book commences (as one would expect!) with the "Editors' Note." Lynn and Jay elaborate on the problems they encountered in editing the Diaries and how these were dealt with. Nevertheless, they admit it falls to us ultimately to decide for ourselves whether Hacker's account represents: "(a) what happened, (b) what he believed happened, (c) what he would like to have happened, (d) what he wanted others to believe happened, or (e) what he wanted others to believe that he believed happened"! The editors also include a note of thanks to Sir Humphrey (whose last days were spent in St. Dympna's Hospital for the Elderly Deranged!) for information gleaned from conversations which were held with him "before the advancing years, without in any way impairing his verbal fluency, disengaged the operation of his mind from the content of his speech."

The Diaries themselves are divided into twenty-one chapters (one chapter per episode) with 20 to 30 pages each (there are 514 pages in all). Of course there is dialogue (from Hacker's recollection), but the Diaries comprise so much more. The inclusion of copies of memos, letters, interviews, newspaper clippings, entries from Sir Humphrey's own diary, not to mention the recollections of Sir Bernard Woolley (from conversations with the editors) make for a far more dynamic, fun book than if the writers had merely presented us with the series' scripts. The format also allows for so much of Hacker's thoughts to be included--much of which we as viewers were never privy to. Finally, the Diaries are liberally annotated by the editors with helpful, humorously phrased bits of background information often pertaining to government workings or terminology--bits that are additional to the television series.

Of course, it is being a fan of the television series and having watched it with such enjoyment that makes this book (a UK publication) such a gem as we picture Hacker, Sir Humphrey, etc., in our mind's eye. But it is so creatively written, with all the original wit (and more), that it's a superb book in its own right--one which I'd recommend to anyone looking for an intelligent, hilariously witty, pun-filled book--one that also happens to offer a wealth of insight into the inner workings of the parliamentary system of government. For those, however, for whom this richly witty, intelligent series is a favourite, this book (together with it's sequel) really is a must-have, and I recommend it every bit as highly as the superb series upon which it is based!

if you like your humor understated and your wit dry (droll as humphrey would no doubt say), this book will be the best you have ever read. and it will stay that way.

the british civil service had a unique characteristic - it was not directly under the control of the political masters. this gave rise to a very interesting situation where the civil service and her majesty's servants were working towards entirely opposite ends. to the civil servant, imaginative and bold were the worst criticisms. change in any form was looked down upon - as we say here - "if it aint broke, dont fix it". the politicians (especially those new in office like hacker who weren't cynical enough not to care one way or the other) often came to office with lofty ideals of revolutionizing society and being the forefathers of a better tomorrow.

behind the curtain of civility, they (the civil servants and politicians) fought battle after battle. the art of realpolitik meant entirely diffent things to both sides. many of the battles went to the civil servants (Lord Humphrey being among the shrewdest) but at times Hacker (James Hacker - first minister and later Prime Minister) prevailed with his low cunning and fast realization that not everything was what it looked like.

each chapter is a revelation - the next time you read the news, you will see it in an entire different perspective after reading this book. action and motive are so far removed as to make the connection entirely unimaginable and the amount of time spent trying to do nothing seems at times appalling.

if slapstick is your cup of tea, stay away from this book. the humor is often less in what is said than in how it is said. the laughs never end. i have read this book 5 times now. the first time, you enjoy the humor for what it is. the second time, you start enjoying the situations, the broader picture, the political moves,and the sheer genius of humphrey. the third time you see how the characters develop. by the fourth time, it's like you're on crack. you cant explain it - you know what is going to happen next, you know the exact words. you still have to read it again. and again. and again.

Sir Humphrey Appleby, Sir Bernard Wooley, and Rt Honorable James Hacker... this is simply the most outstanding work of humorous fiction that lampoons the British civil service and politicians alike.

Based on the diaries of the minister, the series has been converted to a wonderful teleseries, where the casting has been done by someone who truly loves the book and has imbibed the characters so completely, that on later readings of the book, the television characters appear to the mind.

The book is a series of short stories, which expose the careful interplay between the British civil service and the British politicians, the role played by media, the foriegn office, the various departments etc. It is a wonderful set of stories, where the English is truly masterful!! I remember reading each story with a pencil and dictionary while writing the GRE many years ago,... this and its sequel, yes prime minister, are books which should receive their space in your cabinet.

I dont know why this says - Limited availability, these books are easily procured in India where they are being printed.

The Contrary Blues is such a page-turner that you might not realize until you reach the end how cleverly it is constructed. Humor, colorful West Virginia colloquialisms, and poignant characterization make this book a lot more interesting than the average mystery.

A SEASON TO INVESTIGATE FIRST-TIME NOVELISTS - Boston Globe. A fine beginning, funny, irreverent, written with an ear well-tuned to authentic West Virginia dialogue and an eye for small, accumulating scenes...Billheimer unfolds his wry tale steadily, with just the right mix of humor and menace, and his Department of Transportation investigator-auditor, Owen Allison, is convincing and likable.

John Billheimer's first Mystery novel, Contrary Blues, leaves you feeling satisfied and wanting more. Fans of Rick Boyer, Bill Crider, and Bill Tapply will recognize the sure fire formula that made their writing a success. A fast moving plot taken to sudden and unexpected turns, characters who jump out of the pages into your living room, and an unassuming hero that Mr. Middle America can relate to. Billheimer tells his story in a quick but enjoyable pace, giving the reader a glimpse into everyday life in a region of the country most of us have never stepped foot in, and with the subtle humor and true to life street dialog that show his respect for his characters and his reader alike. This one is sure to be enjoyed.

This book is hard-hitting but fair. Casey was a brilliant, albeit, enigmatic and complex man. This books provides a fascinating portrait not only of him, but a template for better understanding the turbulent epoch of the Cold War.

This is an old book, but none has surpased its scope since. Readers will find simpathy for Casey, but still Patrick Leahy and Monyihan both give good reviews for its accuracy. The bottom line that Persico threads is that Casey always wanted to be a foreign affairs statesman but was never given any credit for his abilities because he was too ugly and incoherent so when the best Casey could get was the DCI, then Casey turned the intelligence community into his own little state department to live out his dream.

Persico has done a wonderful job of capturing Casey's magnificent complexity and intellectual voraciousness. Oddly enough the best quote in there, part of a really excellent over-all description of why the DO does not succeed, comes from Herb Meyer when he was a special assistant to Casey: "These guys have built a system that shuts them off from any intelligence except what you can steal. These people needed to be reconnected to reality."

This is an interesting guide to the copmlicated politics of one of the most turbulent regions of the world.
The author, a journalist who covered the Middle East for more than two decades,reveals the underlying causes of the turmoil, the violence and the terrorist disease that have affected the region for so long.
He argues that only democratization could stabilize the Middle East and allow its many different peoples to live together in peace.
For the time being, however, there are only two countries that could be described as democracies in the Middle East: Israel and Turkey. But even there democracy suffers from serious restrictions.
Thus we are unlikely to see peace in the Middle East anytime soon. A READER IN PARIS FRANCE

The US-led coalition invades Iraq...
The Arab world is in turmoil....
Muslims everywhere are wondering what future they have.
The US, and the West in general, face terrorism of the most deadly kind for an unforeseeable future...
Israel is faced with years, may be decades, of mortal danger...
All these may be today's headlines. But they are all included and analyzed in this truly prophetic book that treats of the undercurrents of history in one of the most dangerous regions of the world.

The book, by an Iranian author an editor who now lives in the United States, first came out in the late 1980s but remains as up-to-date as any today. Its secret is that it does not bother with the passing appearances but digs deep into the profound and abiding causes of conflict.
I was given a dog-eared copy by a cousin, who had had it on her college reading list in 1992, and devoured the book at a single reading that lasted four or five hours.
Every minute of that time was well spent.
This is a sure classic.
Why is it not reissued so that many more people can read it?
Andrea Keame

This is a magnificent book, full of exciting analysis and new ways of assessing old assumptions.
Anyone who wishes to udnerstand what is in effect " the heart of darkness" in the political map of the world today should read this book.
Wendy Vederer, Bandar Sri Bagawan

As interesting as it is to see Novello expand upon his letter writing, there's something disappointing about this second volume. Perhaps it's the introductio of Lazlo into a world in which he's already known. The responses from correspondents who already "get the joke" make one feel as though they're peeking behind the Wizard's curtain.

Still, given the pungence of the concept and the quality of Novello's writing, this couldn't help but be another good read. It just couldn't possibly live up to the original volume.

Now that we have imitation Lazlo Toth's - even the Jerkey Boys are derivative, aren't they! - let's not forget that the same guy who puts on the big hat and sunglasses can be someone else when he wants to be.

I just wish he would have lunch with me at Sushi-To-Die-For?

Are you game?

The original book ('The Lazlo Letters') was set in the mid-70s and was essentially a tremedously funny, well-executed goof on Watergate and its participants. 'Citizen Lazlo' is wider in its timeframe (1977 - 1992) and focus (all over the map).

For flat out hilarity, nothing can beat (as mentioned by an earlier reviewer) the "Fit For a President Microwave TV Dinner" idea that 'Toth' pitches to the Campbell Soup Company. [Sample: Nixon-Mao Frozen Chinese Banquet...eat the meal that ended 23 years of hostility.]

My favorite has got to be his pitch to Kinney Shoes for a new advertising campaign based on "The Wind Beneath My Wings," entitled "The Feet Within My Shoes":

Did I ever tell you you're my hero?

Tho' you're the farthest parts of me

I can run faster than a beagle

You are the feet beneath my knees

The cadence of these letters continues the unique, hilarious style perfected by Novello/Toth in his first book. Check out a sample greeting to Nicolae Ceausescu in 1988: "Belated Happy Birthday! Stand up! You deserve it!"

Truly laugh-out-loud funny stuff.

One note of interest: since this is the second volume, some of the respondents are in on the joke. Those that are respond with a matching level of humor.

I truly hope that someone with Devlin's fortitude and willingness to do what needs to be done would be able to complete the job without becoming a murderer and a thief. I would think that someone with an FBI agent's integrity would not depict a fellow agent in such poor light. I certainly hope that in real life we can expect better.

Now and again - if you are lucky - you stumble across an author who is really good. Author Lindsay is a terrific writer of the action/mystery/detective genre. His books about Devlin of the FBI are all very special. You can't go wrong reading them and I can't praise them enough. See for yourself!

Paul Lindsay's 3 books are some of the best mysteries that I have ever read. I put him up there with James Patterson, Mary Willis Walker and Patricia Cornwell. I couldn't put his books down!

"Contours of Descent" is a prescient reevaluation of the U.S. and global economies during the Clinton years. For some, the rise of the stock market, low unemployment and inflation, and budget surpluses, when taken together, are proof positive that the Clinton years were as good as it gets for the economy. But not so fast says the author.

Clinton ran a "putting people first" campaign, but at some point a "center-right, Washington Consensus" direction was pursued. It was a neoliberal agenda that emphasized smaller government, free trade, and deregulation of financial markets. Inflation, fueled by wage demands, was kept in check through the threat of outsourcing jobs. Welfare rolls were drastically reduced by forcing welfare recipients to work at sub-poverty level wages. The Clinton administration and Alan Greenspan made no attempt to curb the speculative excesses of the financial markets. Stocks rose to unsustainable price to earning ratios. The economy was driven by both increased consumer debt and private investment. The obsession with larger and larger budget surpluses precluded making needed investments in infrastructure and education and training.

Part of the Washington Consensus is the participation of globally-oriented financial and trade bodies, such as the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO, who impose neoliberal policies when possible. The opening for these international bodies is when debt-ridden countries find themselves in untenable positions. But relief from these bodies is not unconditional. The countries are forced to privatize, eliminate subsidies for domestic purposes, cut government spending, and remove all restrictions on foreign investment. In addition, the countries are invariably pressured to pursue a strategy of producing for export to acquire the cash to pay off debts. Keeping wages low by disciplining workers is part of the strategy of exporting and attracting foreign manufacturers. The author shows that these neoliberal policies have had harsh effects in many countries, such as Mexico and Argentina.

Of course, the stock market bubble collapsed. The Federal Reserve had failed to exercise its power to limit speculation and now was unable to spur a recovery with huge cuts in the Federal Funds interest rate. The excessive investment during the Clinton boom had created excess capacity. The author continues with the Bush administration, which is even more committed to pursuing a neoliberal program. The massive tax cuts that are being pursued by Bush have added to the huge increase in inequality that occurred in the Clinton years. The resulting huge deficits preclude any increase in domestic spending but do allow the pursuit of a military agenda that seems geared to benefit multinational corporations. Again, it is hoped that inflation will be checked by worker insecurities.

It seems rather obvious that neoliberalism is unsustainable in the long-run. In an interesting take, the author presents neoliberalism as presenting problems that Marx, Keynes, and Polanyi delineated. He calls for the re-regulation of financial markets, limits on free trade, and more domestic investment, including full employment. But it is a glaring shortcoming of the book that no attempt is made to describe how such a redirection could or will come about. Can it happen only politically or must a major collapse on the scale of the Great Depression first occur?

For those who need convincing that the Clinton years were not as good as they seemed, this may be the book for you.

Read "Contours of Descent: U.S. Economic Fractures and the Landscape of Global Austerity" by Robert Pollin, the co-author of "Living Wage." Pollin is a brilliant economist interested in using economics for the good of our society. He's also ruthlessly honest, and you won't catch him bragging, a' la Dick Gephardt, about the glorious Clinton days. Pollin's critique of Clinton's economic program is harsh and that of W. Bush's devestating. The lessons are clear, and Pollin closes with useful recommendations.

Robert Pollin's "Contours of Descent" is a lucid and coherent dissection of neoliberal economic policies as practiced in the U.S. and around the world. The author very effectively cuts through the political doublespeak of recent U.S. administrations to show that neoliberalism has served as the guiding principle for both Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. Following a careful and methodical critique of the Clinton/Bush record, Mr. Pollin advances an alternative set of policy proscriptions that might lead us towards a more equitable, stable and prosperous world.

Mr. Pollin is a Professor at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. The humanity and practicality that infuses this book is no doubt a reflection of Mr. Pollin's real world experiences, which includes work on developing living wage proposals in various U.S. cities, serving as a consultant to the United Nations Development Program in Bolivia, and as Economic Spokesperson to the 1992 Presidential campaign of Governor Jerry Brown.

Neoliberalism is defined by the "Washington consensus" of decreased government spending, free trade and deregulated markets. Mr. Pollin critiques the system for its three major defects: The "Marx problem" pertaining to the relative bargaining relationship between employers and workers; the "Keynes problem" of the tendency of financial markets to engage in speculation; and the "Polanyi problem" of the corrupting effect of corporate power.

The author builds a convincing case that all three problems have been exacerbated by neoliberalist policies, resulting in a host of deleterious effects. These include widening gaps between the rich and poor (Marx), speculative bubbles in the financial markets (Keynes), accounting scandals (Polanyi), and others. Moreover, the author provides research to show that the cumulative effect of these policies has been to slow world economic growth, thereby undoing years of progress and preventing many developing nations from significantly raising living standards for their citizens.

Mr. Pollin critiques the Clinton administration and Robert Rubin in particular for championing financial market deregulation as the linchpin for its "Eisenhower Republican" economic strategy. The author is presuasive in detailing how the stock market boom of the 1990s provided fuel for the economic boom; unfortunately, its demise quickly erased most of the gains attributed to the Clinton economy, such as a real decrease in the number of persons living in poverty. In fact, the author suggests that the single-minded pursuit of a balanced budget allowed Clinton to squander a historic opportunity to use surplus government dollars to invest in education, healthcare and the environment --programs that the author believes are critical to creating a more durable kind of prosperity for the American people.

Mr. Pollin launches a no less scathing critique of the Bush administration's policies, which the author believes have been designed to be little more than a "bonanza to the rich" at the expense of workers. The author explains that crisis has been used by Bush to justify giveaways to corporations and the wealthy; meanwhile, aggressively anti-labor and anti-environmental policies have further squeezed living standards for most. Furthermore, by highlighting the inconsistencies in Bush's budget proposals, Mr. Pollin suggests that the administration is intent on creating a fiscal crisis in order to force a dismantling of the populist social safety net.

One section that I found particularly interesting was Mr. Pollin's discussion of stimulating the economy by means of defense spending and the Iraq war. His analysis of the situation however suggests that the occupation of Iraq will further slow the U.S. economy as a whole but will benefit specific corporations engaged in the production and distribution of oil, thereby calling into question the real motives for the war.

Mr. Pollin dedicates a chapter examining the "landscape of global austerity" that has resulted from Washington's imposition of neoliberal policies onto the developing world. The analysis focuses on case studies in India, Argentina and elsewhere to highlight the human costs of the neoliberal experiment in specific countries. For example, the author shows how Asian sweatshop bosses have repressed their workers in order to gain competitive advantage for their export-oriented economies. The author argues that "policies to eliminate sweatshops and guarantee workers decent...minimum wages" are needed to narrow inequality, restore impoverished communities and develop new markets.

The final chapter explores the author's alternative economic policies more fully. The recommendations include full-employment policies, living wages and labor rights to solve the Marx problem, and financial system regulation, taxation, and increased banking reserve requirements to solve the Keynes problem. The issue is one of morality as well. Recalling Adam Smith, the author suggests that continuing with the failed neoliberal experiment of privileging the interests of capital over the rights of people amounts to "corruption of moral sentiments on a global scale" and should rightly yield to an economics dedicated to equity and social justice.

I strongly recommend this powerful, insightful and humane book to everyone.

Although written before the fall of the Soviet empire, this books charts the course of relations between the Russian nation and Islam during the past 300 years or so.
At times this book is difficult for the average interested reader because it is so full of facts and unfamiliar names.
But those who persist will be amplyu rewarded, if only by the beauty of the wrtier's prose and his strong narrative sense which is closer to a literary novelist than a journalist.
R.B

As this review is being written, the attack by Chechen guerrillas against a theatre in Moscow is still going on.
The outside world is trying to understand why so many desperate men and women decided to risk their own lives by seizing hundreds of innocent people hostage in a Moscow theatre?
The answer comes in this book to which I return whenever there is something dramatic between the Russians and the Muslim peoples who live amongst them or are teir neighbours.
I wish Vladimir Putin had read this book before vowing to crush the Chechens who have been at war against Russia, and for their own independence, since trhe 18th century.
Believe me it is not enough to say "terrorism and repression" to understand.
A READER IN PARIS FRANCE

The liberation of Afghanistan from the Taleban last year has attracted international attention to a vast area the size of the United States and known as Central Asia.
It was there that the colonial empires of the 19th century played what is known as The Great Game.
The term Central Asia is misleading because the lands concerned resemble a secluded area rather than one that is at the centre of things.
The region may achieve centrality because of its oil and natural gas resources, and the rivarly it is generating among America, the European Union, Russia, China, India, Iran, and Pakistan.
This book by an Iranian author and journalist tells the story of Islam in the entire Soviet Union of which Central Asia was part until 1991.
Much research has gone into this volumnious study, one might even say too much research, and the torrent of details may prove tiresome to some readers.
But the prose is fast paced and journalistic in the best sense of the term, thus compensating for the heaviness of the facts, names, dates and figures.
The book appeared more than a year before the collapse of the USSR but clearly predicts that event.
One would have preferred more detailed maps with this volume.
The author should do a sequel to bring us up to date about developments in the region in the past decade or so.
A READER