Governments

The book expressed some excellent ideas and other ideas that weren't so good. It was, however, straight to the point when dealing with the issues. Bohannon never stayed too long on any one topic, which is both good and bad. I hoped he would've written more on Poverty, Education, and Politics. Those chapters were good in and of themselves, but I was left wanting to read more on those topics. The book's bibliography in the back did provide more help. Its a superb book that deals with a variety of topics and goes into some detail. In the future, I hope Bohannon comes out another book containing more details about the issues.

I do not like convoluted political rhetoric or confusing sociological observations. Bohannon's writing is practical, knowledgeable, and simple. That's what made his book so enjoyable. You will not need a Phd. to read Bohannon's examinations of what America needs to do to improve. "Jimbo" is a great communicator. It is no wonder that he is the top radio talk show host for millions of Americans! If you like his program, you'll want to buy this book.

Jim's a friend and colleague, so I was prepared to be gracious. Instead, I'm REAL impressed. His plainspoken take on what-the-heck's-wrong-around-here-and-what-we-CAN-do-about-it is thoughtful and affirming. I'm recommending that all my client stations which carry his show buy a stack of copies of this book, and give them to clients and listeners.

This is the most incredible, awesome book on the founding of the great American Republic I have seen. If you are wondering what's happened to America and American politics, you can find the answer in this book. American Schools have created an uneducated generation of people who have forgotten their roots. Because of that, Americans have no idea what rich heritage their founding fathers left for them: an everlasting covenant of freedom from government-over-man. But the price was high. Those men, our fathers, paid that price with their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor--literally. This book ought to be required study from first grade through High School. Once you start it, you can't put it down. It will revive dried out patriotism with fire in your soul. It will make you angry at what our politicians are doing to our Constitution today: they totally ignore it when in their own best interests. I just simply cannot say enough about this book, except that if you can find it, get it. It's worth the price no matter what they charge for it. But they may be hard to come by. I'm buying every one I can find, for my kids, interested friends, and my grandkids. If this book could get into the hands of enough Americans, there would be a revival of fervor for our Constitution; we would absolutely put politicians back in their place, i.e, back in the "chains of the Constitution" as one founding father stated; Americans would once again experience what real freedom was, as intended by the fathers. This book simply lights a fire in your soul. I could talk about it all night.

I count myself among the truly fortunate readers to have come across this book.This work, rather than passing on should be resurrected and made required reading for all students in our grammar and high schools. I find as much comfort from it as some would from a bible, as I am truly frustrated with the direction our uninformed society is heading. I am searching now for a copy to send to the new President as an infallible guide for his presidency. Search high and low, but get and read this book.

Hamilton Abert Long is perhaps the most important American political philosopher, statesman, and scholar of this century. Not only does he provide a sound well-documented summary of the American Ideal, he destroys the most significant anti-American philosophies that have been romancing our educational establishment for decades. Sadly, academe will have to play catch-up with Long after they find out that socialism, in all of its permutations, is deadly to fatal, and destructive of life, liberty, and, of course, private property. This book is as authoritative and comprehensive as it gets. It might even be the best remedial tool available for curing many of the worst enemies of the Constitution among those in the legal profession and on the Bench.

The Louis Phillips book "Ask Me Anyhthing about the Presidents"is a truckload of information about The Presidents. This book talks about Presidents George Washington through Bill Clinton.This book says where The Presidents were born,when they were born,their mother's name,their father's name,when they got married,who they married,when they died,and a sidelight-an interesting fact about each President.There are also pictures of all The Presidents.When You're not reading about one President,You're reading trivia questions about The Presidents&getting answers.Even though the best President book on the market is the Wyatt Blassinggame book "The-Look-It-Up-Book Of Presidents","Ask Me Anything about the Presidents"is the second best.Highly Recommended!

This is a fun and informative book. I bought it for a class on the American Presidency that I will be teaching next year, but my family has been enjoying it now. I put a trivia question up on the whiteboard in our kitchen each day, and we enjoy great discussion about possible answers.

Who knows, if any of us appear on a TV quiz show, it might save the day to know that Richard Nixon ate cottage cheese with catsup, or that Harry Truman considered himself a sissy when he was a child!

This book gives little stories and great knowledge about the presidents. It is really easy to read, but fun. I mean, who really knows that Andrew Jackson married his wife TWICE, and that Thomas Jefferson taught his birds to feed him!!! For anyone who wants to know the little things about who our Commanders in Chief really were, this is a must. Hope you enjoy it! Oh, and be sure to tell your friends just which president had his horses' teeth brushed daily!!

History has two definitions: a chronological record of significant past events, and a story. Sheldon Stern's story of the Cuban Missile Crisis is history (both definitions) at its best. The scholarly, time-consuming, and meticulous research that went into this work abounds throughout its pages. The author's willingness to challenge earlier historical works on the translation of the crisis's audiotapes makes this book a must for any student of JFK, his administration, and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Because of the comprehensive nature of history, a reader might conclude that this is just another dry historical work. Far from it - this book reads like a Robert Ludlum novel. The reader is caught in the tension as the missiles are first discovered, held as the conflict escalates to an almost unbearable crisis, and released as the resolution unfolds. But this was no political thriller, it was real life. Mr. Stern has taught us all a great lesson of history: that real people make real decisions, that these decisions have consequences both foreseen and unforeseen, and that there could have been other choices made with different outcomes. Our world would be a much different place if JFK had listened to his advisors. I believe this book will become the classic study for the story of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Averting the Final Failure is a must read.

Stern has offered the most complete understanding of the Cuban missile crisis, and of Kennedy himself, in this the most intimate account of those October days, drawn directly from the taped deliberations. His reconstruction destroys the simplistic characterizations of JFK as a "cold warrior" and leaves the reader grateful for his handling of that showdown with the Soviets. I would consider this account more definitive than any other now available, or likely to be in the near future. This is essential reading.

...Portraying President Kennedy and his team in action at a tense and trying moment, with great attention to a precise rendering and analysis of the verbatim records. And a fine rendering of the context in which the crisis unfolded.

I have just finished reading Leggett's book about the war for the protection of our atmosphere. It is a riveting account of the strident efforts experienced and well-intentioned scientists from all over the world have made to try to bring humanity to a reasonable acceptance of the extreme dangers that ignoring the risks of global warming will bring upon our planet. It is shocking that so far they have clearly lost the war; oil, coal, and automobile interests have successfully undermined international conventions and treaties which were designed to protect the Earth. If fossil fuel, energy and automobile interests continue to "win" (although as pointed out in the book, it really amounts to a huge loss), we will all be affected, rich or poor, South or North, nobody stands to gain. As Leggett's book makes obvious, humanity has never before had its hands on so much information about its own substantive elements, its past and its future; and yet,seemed to be willing to throw its own intelligence into the wind, scrapping its safety catches, all for the sake of some weird sense of 'material progress' spoon-fed to us by commercial-driven media. This books points directly to the moments in time when human progress could have advanced into a more sane, and probably more interesting variety of developmental possibilities. Read it and relish its not-at-all hidden wisdom--it will be one of the unforgetable learning moments of your reading life.

A friend of mine who is a political scientist told me to read Jeremy Leggett's The Carbon War. He said it was the best book he'd ever seen on the politics of global climate change. After reading it, I have to agree.

Leggett taught oil geology at Britain's Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine before transferring his allegiance to Greenpeace, where he directed their Climate Campaign and later their Solar Initiative. In The Carbon War he provides an insider's view of the decade of battles leading up to the Kyoto treaty. Through his eyes we get to see the intense machinations of the great oil companies and their allies as they fight to block the international movement to develop a binding climate agreement. Leggett pulls no punches. He provides names, dates and details of the non-stop lobbying, shameless "scientific" distortions, and well-financed public relations campaigns by what he and other environmentalists dubbed "The Carbon Club." He describes in depth the behind-the-scenes collusion, pressure tactics and smears that stymied progress on the climate despite a decade of climate-related catastrophes and increasing scientific certainty about global warming and its ramifications. He also reports on the counter-punches Greenpeace and other environmental groups managed to land--for example alerting the hemorrhaging insurance industry that their catastrophic losses were not accidental and were bound to get worse unless greenhouse emissions are reduced.

The book ends in 2000, but all the forces Leggett reveals remain in play today. The World Summit in Johannesburg this September was torn by the same battles and struggled to reach the same kind of will-of-the-wisp agreements as Kyoto. For anyone who believes, as Leggett clearly does, that we must reduce our destabilizing assault on the atmosphere in order to maintain a stable and livable climate, this book is a must. It dives deep beneath the headlines to let you know how vital decisions concerning development, the deployment of resources, and our shared future, are actually being made. As Leggett says, "The race against time is on, and we should have started running by now; racing to crank up the solar revolution, racing to mobilizing the capital markets as engines for survival instead of suicide."

Robert Adler, author of Science Firsts: From the Creation of Science to the Science of Creation (Wiley, 2002).

Jeremy Leggett has written an outstanding book. A one time petroleum geologist teaching at the London School of Mines, in the 1980s Dr Leggett became concerned about climate change from carbon dioxide build up in the atmosphere. He gave up a comfortable career to become a lobbyist for the environmental movement. In this role he has met all the main characters opposing and supporting greenhouse gas treaties. He describes not only the science, the politics, and the economics of the global warming issue, but also the personalities in "the Carbon War." between the fossil fuel industry on one hand and the environmental lobby on the other. The insights into both sides of this protracted war are fascinating - as are the various dirty tricks campaigns employed by the fossil fuel brigade. Dr Leggett writes not from the detachment of a scientist, but with the passion of someone with a vital message to sell and a vital cause to push. As premier science writer John Gribbin said on the book's front cover "the best book yet about the politics of global warming."

During a time in my life, when I loved all things to do with Socialism, this book was almost my bible. Mr. Clarke preached Afro-Centric Socialism, to an extent that gave me new faith in myself. His views at time were extreme, but his insight into numerous topics gave me a strong respect for him.

The book is essentially a series of essays, detailing the problems in Africa, and to the other key areas of the Black Diaspora. For anyone interested in Black Nationalism or Pan-African movements, this book is essentially a bible for you.

His works are profound. although, he has many critics who would like to ... his legacy. When i first read this book it really opened me up to the problems facing black men/women right here in the belly of the beast "America". I would recommend this book to anyone looking to face the problems that lingers still in the black communities all over the world!!!

DR. JOHN HENRIK CLARKE WAS DEFINATELY A ELDER AND A WARRIOR IN PAN-AFRICANISM, AFRICAN-CENTRICITY, AND AFRICAN WORLD NATIONALISM. HE WAS A PROPHET AND A MASTER TEACHER. HIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE LIBERATION AND MOTIVATION FOR AFRICAN PEOPLE WILL DEFINATELY BE REMEMBERED. THIS BOOK IS A EXCELLENT BOOK THAT GIVES ALOT OF INFORMATION ON THE LIVES OF KWAME NKRUMAH, MALCOLM X, PATRICE LUMUMBA, MARCUS GARVEY AND WEB DU'BOIS. HE HAS CHAPTER ON THE HISTORY OF AFRICAN PEOPLE AND REVOLUTION AND ACT OF LIBERATION BY AFRICAN PEOPLE ALL OVER THE WORLD.THIS BOOK IS DEFINATELY RECOMMENDED IN THE INVESTIGATION AND RE-AWAKENING OF THE AFRICAN MIND. MY THE GREAT GRIOT REST IN PEACE, HIS WORK AND LEGACY WILL ALWAYS BE REMEMBER AND UNHELD BY FUTURE GENERATIONS

In America Enters the World, Page Smith recreates a masterful account of the Progressive Era. He does not follow a strict chronological path (though there is more or less a sequence of events) but once the reader gets accustomed, it flows pretty well. Smith makes clever use of colloquialisms ("skedaddled" "smashed"-meaning drunk, and "skulduggery" are but a few) which helps make the reader feel comfortable. Finally he states his thesis on page 140 (barely 1/10 of the way through the massive book) of viewing history as a part of a larger whole.

Smith often extols the virtues of socialism as the great counterbalance of industrial capitalism, which since this is a "people's history" makes some sense. He has the ability to enter the shoies of those he writes of, an admirable trait in a historian. However, at times he gets carried away with the socialist undercurrents, sometimes to the point of annoyance. He does give great leaders like Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson their just dues, and comes down hard on stupid leaders like William Howard Taft and Warren Harding, and this gives the book balance. Unfortunately by giving lengthy accounts of the doings of Big Bill Haywood and Emma Goldman Smith seems to elevate these people to the unwarranted level of greatness as well. The Roosevelt-Wilson rivalry is the most dominant political theme in the book. Smith admires them both, Roosevelt for his populism, Wilson for his vision, and he covers each objectively and fair.

Smith never cites his sources so it is difficult to verify, but the reader learns to trust Smith as an authority on his subject. He makes an un-stated advocation of how committees served the country well in winning World War One, then attempts to illustrate how the Soviet Union emerged as a model of efficiency ("soviet" is defined as a governmental council). He makes great progress in some chapters then takes one step back with his unwavering advocacy of the socialist state. He seems to fall victim to his own conclusion on page 642 that "obsessions make bad politics".

But Smith is able to recognize genius when he sees it. Wilson's vision was the apex of the Progressive Era. When the unqualified Harding assumed the presidency, Smith ends his historical narrative. It is clear to Smith that Harding did not represent "progress" (one could conclude Harding didn't represent anything). The final several chapters are dedicated to technology, arts, education, and religion. He covers the American scene. Racism, bigotry, women's rights, philanthropy, mainstream and side stream politics, war, peace, industry, and many other themes are all handled with equal care by this prolific, intelligent author. His conclusion is well supported and his mastery of English would impress any wordsmith.

It is a sad commentary on public literacy and civic awareness when a whole series of books so splendid, educational, and damned readable is allowed to go out of print, such as has the quite literate eight book series by noted historian Page Smith. This massive and spectacularly executed series is organized around the continuing themes of American History, and centers on our emergence into the larger world as a main player in the world community. This is modern history at its best; masterfully retold, entertaining and edifying to read, and organized around central themes that make the subject both approachable and more understandable.

The present volume, "America Enters The World: A People's History Of The Progressive Era and World War I", is the seventh of an eight volume series Professor Smith published, and represents the culmination of the series in approaching the entry into the 20th century and the modern era after masterfully threading through the mass of American history. Dr. Smith begins here focuses on two key figures, a dynamic and energetic Theodore Roosevelt, on the one hand, and an austere, professorial, and intellectual Woodrow Wilson, on the other. With Roosevelt's gravitation to the Oval Office, an incredibly turbulent and event-packed two decades of momentous change commences, marked for such tumultuous struggles as the battle between management and labor, and the emerging progressive political movement.

This was also the period of international reawakening that found the United States increasingly drawn into world events, culminating in our reluctant and begrudging participation in the First World War. Of course, initially it was Roosevelt swinging that 'big stick' of power and enthusiastic involvement, swaggering confidently onto the world stage that first opened our doors to increasing involvement in international affairs. Yet, it was much more Woodrow Wilson's intellectual thoughtfulness that led directly to our enthusiastic flag-waving yet fateful entry into the growing darkness of the world war. In due time, the enthusiasm flagged, turning to disillusionment and an increased national mood of isolationism. In twenty short years, we had seemingly come full circle. Yet things had changed, changed utterly, and would never be the same again.

As with his previous volumes, Professor Smith guides us masterfully through the particulars of the lives of a stream of extraordinary people, individuals who rose to the manifest challenges of the era with energy, imagination, and selfless enthusiasm. In so doing, they reshaped and redefined the meaning and possibilities for America, and eventually helped in the effort to transform the world in the process. As with each of his previous volumes, the author uses his narrative to tell the story of individuals both famous and anonymous, and in so doing helps the reader to better appreciate what it meant to be alive and involved in one of the most amazing periods in modern history, when America rose mightily and purposefully from the obscurity of provincial isolationism to greater international responsibility and involvement, spurring America onto the stage for the events of the twentieth century, where she has remained since.

In sum, this is a work of a great and singular historian, one offering a unique perspective on a most momentous, dangerous, and exciting time in our history, a period during which America came of age internationally. It is the story of two decades that did so much to define and forge the modern nation we are all so familiar with, and helps to explain how it is we have come to arrive at our present destination, and in the process gives the reader great cause for celebration and concern. I highly recommend you search out this book as a used commodity and then hang onto it for dear life. I do. Enjoy!

This is the 7th of the 8 volume history which the late Page Smith (he died Aug 28, 1995) wrote on the history of this country. I have not read the 8th volume, but it is not correct to say it is a 10,000 page history. The first 7 volumes only have a total of 6,823 pages. My comment on finishing volume 7 was "I'd say about 5000 of the 6823 pages were really interesting reading." One of these days I want to find volume 8 and read it so that I will have read the whole set. Nor do I agree that this work was what Professor Smith devoted his life to. He has a two-volume biography of John Adams which I am going to read some day, I hope. (I know exactly the library where I can borrow it and I have been planning to do so for years--and some day I will.)

Over the years I have read hundreds of books about America and this book is clearly one of the most stunning. In general, the book is well researched, well organized, and very readable. It explains America to Americans and to the world in a different and very clear and convincing way. Through most of the book I was enthralled. Most of his examples are well chosen, precise, concise, and convincing. But it is not perfect.

There are, in my opinion, two areas in the book which fail to match the high quality of thought, reason, and rationale found through most of it. First, in the chapter about Social Beliefs, McElroy appears to see America's history from the perspective of the proverbial WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) and thus he ignores the lack of inclusion in the American mainstream at various times of such groups as Eastern European immigrants, Catholic immigrants, non-Christian immigrants, Asian immigrants, and Hispanic immigrants. He also neglects to mention that, in general, Americans of mixed raced were/are denigrated by both of the races from which they were/are descended. And he concludes the chapter by saying that if immigrants fail to succeed socially and economically in America it is no one's fault but there own. How amazingly naive.

Second, all of his fairness and impartiality and perspective seem to fall apart in the concluding section in which he views a very narrow period of time in America (the last 40 years or so) and suggests that many of the values on which this country was founded and built have fallen to the wayside. He concludes by saying there are some signs that things might get better over time. Certainly damning with faint praise. He sounds like an ultra conservative radio commentator. It spoils the flavor of the entire book. It is almost as if the rest of the book was just a way of reeling the reader in so that he could present this final diatribe. A sad finish to an otherwise excellent book.

Beliefs A book review

Its been said that we learn nothing from history. This appears to be true, but only to the extent that history is ignored. When we pay attention to history, we are bound to learn something. A good dose of history can sometimes put us back on a road we've tended to leave. This may be the case while reading a brief account of how America and the American way of came to be.

In some 230 pages John Harmon McElroy reminds readers of the various reasons America developed as it did. McElroy, in American Beliefs (1999) from Ivan Dee Publishers, Chicago, expounds upon twenty-five beliefs or ideas that have contributed to America's development. The book, subtitled: "What keeps a big country and a diverse people united," has ten chapters. McElroy, professor emeritus of English at the University of Arizona, would have his readers look at the things which have kept us, as a people, together instead of the things which have so often divided us.

The 24 beliefs are listed under seven of the ten chapter headings: Primary Beliefs of American Culture, Immigrant Beliefs, Frontier Beliefs, Religious and Moral Beliefs, Social Beliefs, Political Beliefs and Beliefs on Human Nature. Along the way in his treatment of these beliefs McElroy shows how it came about that the land which developed into America was different from developments in Canada, Central & western South America and in Brazil. All of these areas were receiving European emigrants at about the same time, but development here was much different than in the other regions. So the author works to give a broad overview of history and how America came forth in a unique way.

One example of the beliefs McElroy presents is one we might think is only common sense: everyone must work. Such an idea or belief, it seems, developed in contrast to what was usual in England and much of northern Europe, the areas from which most people came. In the old country there was an aristocracy in which certain people, because of their birthrights, were expected to be served by others, those lesser-born people. This system did not work on these shores as there was simply to much to do, to survive...no place for lazy bones. So those who expected to be served were told, in effect, work or die. (Sounds like: 2 Thessalonians 3:10 "For even when we were with you, this we commanded you, that if any would not work, neither should he eat.") So those who had wished to be served, worked..and the belief that everyone must work became a part of our culture, and pretty much remains that way today. While people reach different economic stages, none is considered a nobleman by birth.and this was a new idea.

McElroy takes a little different twist on the idea that America is a chosen land, as being chosen of God. On page 131 he says: "The United States is God's country in the sense that Americans for many generations have felt that their nation has been especially blessed by God, that it could never have been established and endured so successfully without God's favor and protection. The belief is also true in the sense that, as a people, Americans have believed that God has wanted to use America as part of a divine plan for the redemption of mankind, by the creation of a new nation modeled on new principles of behavior. America is also a 'chosen country' in the sense that those who created it were mostly those who chose to emigrate to it and descendants."

Of special interested in these days of much discussion about the idea of Freedom of Religion, McElroy addresses the 'free exercise' clause of that first amendment to the U-S Constitution. Like many who insist that the Constitution only makes sense when its original intent is maintained, he makes this statement which needs to resound in many courts and public places today: "No provision of the Constitution protects any citizen from being offended by the religious practices of another citizen." How often we have instituted some legislation because someone is offended by religion, but the Constitution says there shall be 'freedom to exercise' our religious positions, regardless of any offense received., perhaps limited only to the extent of causing some public hazard. This clearly points out the value of history because as we have gotten away from initial Constitutional meanings, we have wandered off the road into confusion.

The books concludes with some observations, that much has happened in this culture in the past 40 years or so, perhaps instigated by the Supreme Court's decision to eliminate school prayers. "It is certain," he says, " that since WW-II some principles of American culture have been emphasized to the detriment of others. The principle of freedom, for instance, has been promoted without regard to responsibility, calls for improvement have been made without regard to practicality, and equality has sometimes been demanded with a zeal that ignores differences among individuals. Too often in the last 40 years of the 20th century, it seems, America's cultural history has been set aside in favor of uncompromising ideologies."

The book is an easy read and recommended for anyone interested in American history, especially high school and college students needing a better appreciation of what it means to be an American.

Dan Schobert August 29, 1999

I agree that every American should read this book -- and everybody else for that matter. I don't agree that it's scholarly. Rather, it's a joy to read -- easy to understand even for a person with two master's degrees! Between McElroy's chapter on How American Culture was Formed and Ken Burns' Lewis & Clark, I don't know which makes my blood run red-white-and-bluer. And as a child of the anti-establishment `60s, it's done a lot toward helping me understand why we Americans do what we do. It's the best history book I've ever read, the best history course I've ever taken or taught. I'm buying it for my home library for my grandchildren to use as a resource. We're also using it as a resource for a book on urban planning.

Barbarian Virtues is in many ways a brilliant text; it offers a strikingly complete, coherent, and well-written history of U.S. imperialism during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Regrettably, this fascinating treatment of American nationalism leaves questions of race only partially examined. Although Jacobson's work highlights the role that the racialization of those bodies making up export and labor markets played in constructions of Americanness, he fails to show how this racialization may have depended on a racial paradigm centered around the devaluation of blackness that already existed by the post-Reconstruction era. Barbarian Virtues covers a period of time in which stereotypes of black savageness formed the basis for white supremacist terrorism, the failure of Reconstruction, and the disenfranchisement of blacks. Can turn-of-the-century elite and popular ideas about immigrants, evolutionary development, and civilization can be read outside of a racial paradigm in which whiteness (and indeed Americanness) came to define itself in opposition to black identity? Can a discussion of racial ideology and U.S. imperialism be complete without any reference to the nation's history of both actual and methaphoric (i.e. political, rhetorical) violence against its African-descended population, especially given that hundreds of thousands of blacks immigrated to the U.S. during the years that Jacobson writes about? If Jacobson succeeds in his goal "to redress two striking failures in our national memory-one regarding immigration; the other, imperialism," he also succeeds in reinforcing a third failure of American collective memory (263). This failure is the inability to conceive of the complex ways in which race--specifically, constructions of black identity--has been central to American imperialist ideology in particular and Western imperial reason in general.

"At its core 'civilization' was an economic concept" (p. 50). So shows Jacobson, in his wonderful book, _Barbarian Virtues_.
Vile racial hatreds define these hegemonic notions of "civilization." Jacobson's extensive research shows persistent and everyday racism operating in the daily discourse of American power. Presidents McKinley and (Teddy) Roosevelt, as well as major newspapers and magazines, spew a stream of racism, and show it as a basic part of elite common sense at the time.

I want to second the reviewer from Durham, who found this book short on Blackness. (Jacobson's excellent _Whiteness of a Different Color_ helps somewhat.) One might add that this book only skims over the important experience of the violent conquest of the West and the Indians, in shaping "civilization" and "savage" during these years. (Drinnon's _Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating and Empire Building is a larger and longer contribution in this regard.)

The book could be faulted for lingering on the Tarzan novels, for example, when more pressing political issues ruled the day. And I was hungry for a more sustained discussion of the colonization of the Philippines.

But Jacobson is in pursuit of "civilized" ideas in everyday American thought--that's his safari here and, as such, he pursues his subject with great talent. _Barbarian Virtues_ is a fast and gripping read. And it exposes what school textbooks and the mass media forget so well: America has a long and viscious history of racial hatred. When our politicians today speak of "civilization," we ought to remember its deep, poisonous roots, and its longstanding use to justify the most brutal exertions of capitalist greed.

I'm proud to be an American. Over the last month and a half, these six words have echoed through our radios and televisions more times than the latest Brittney Spear's sexy single. Stores are selling out of stars and stripes and CNN's ratings have gone through the roof. The United States was attacked and its' people can do nothing but wave the flag and propagate blame on foreign people.
American citizens have been taught to recognize their culture, their government, and their people as the epitome of what an advanced society can achieve. The ethnocentrism found in America overwhelms its' people and creates the drive to dominate what they perceive to be foreign. The attempt towards domination has been a societal precedent since the beginning of time. As America industrialized around the beginning of the 19th century, the U.S. fought this battle for power with imperialistic vision, expanding global markets and immigration labor. Their power was achieved through the profits of capitalism, at the expense of global human equality.
The strength of the U.S. is rarely questioned by its' citizens. The American people try to ignore the selfish actions that U.S. government and businesses have used to gain and maintain themselves as the world's super power. It's hard to find material that looks deeply into this matter, searching for truth under layers of patriotic dust. Matthew Frye Jacobson disregards the notion of America's rightful warrant of power and exposes the truth that lays beneath the blanket of American ideals in his book Barbarian Virtues: The United States encounters foreign peoples at home and abroad 1876-1917.
Jacobson recognizes this time period as an important era of the establishment of American foreign policy and the domestic thoughts surrounding these events. America's intense industrialization during these years created the need to open the doors of commerce to people around the world, and to open our domestic doors with invitations of immigration. The opportunity for immigrant advancement and the betterment of foreign societies because of U.S. involvement, are the notions that have been written down as facts in American children's history books. The story that Jacobson tells holds harsh truths that have been conveniently overlooked in the writing, or rewriting, of American history. He explores "foreign peoples as imported workers for American factories and as overseas consumers of American products" (4) and recognizes the illiberal nature of American actions.
America was forced to turn to foreign participation in their industrialized world of commerce because "this "nation of customers" did not have the spending power to support its shopkeepers"(16). The shift towards foreign markets and workers created a "deep American dependence upon these foreign peoples (which)seems to have fueled the animus against them"(13).
Foreigners were met with fear when they got off the boats and were manipulated in their own homelands to support the American economy. Their cultures were thought of as inferior and barbaric in comparison to the society of the United States. Immigrants would be bettered as they adapted to the American way of life and foreigners would be aided in their advancement towards civilization by having American goods available.
Exporters reduced the history and cultures of foreign peoples to "a series of wants whose particulars were as easily discerned by the Western eye as they were fulfilled by the Western industry" (26). The government slyly "aided" counties in ways that would establish markets for American goods. All actions were motivated by profit; human exploitation was a common cost and of little concern. Americans convinced themselves that these foreign people were inferior as a mechanism to avoid the guilt that would ensue from their actions in these lands. The inferiority of foreign cultures "provided justification for whatever action or interventionthe United States deemed necessary to exert its will outside its own borders"(49).
The United States not only used foreigners as explanations for their ill actions in world activity, they used them to explain the economic state of people within the U.S. American economists of the time made claims to "immigration intensifying the fatal cycle of "booms" and "depressions"" and declared it the responsible factor for the lowering "standard of living for all American workers" (74). Foreign workers and their homeland markets were completely being taken advantage of, while the American need for them was being ignored. Jacobson recognizes the extreme hypocrisy with which America dealt with foreigners and acknowledges the mistakes that were made and the lasting impact that these mistakes hold.
The exploration of the "white man" developed ways in which the people of the U.S. thought about other parts of the world.
"Entire continents were defined by their presumed emptiness, cultures by their lacks and absences, and peoples by their exemption from the flow of history". The Other, found in these barren spaces, was often sexualized and given an "erotic charge". The "feminized natives" were depicted as naturally and eagerly awaiting the "masculine West's" possession (112). Juxtaposing the idea of a feminine nature against a masculine culture further demonstrates the American tendency to look at these foreign people as uncivilized and barbaric. These erotic images of "otherness" were not too deeply developed by Jacobson and background knowledge of orientalism (Edward Said) would help to further digest these ideas.
I am impressed with Matthew Frye Jacobson's attempt to look past the instilled idea of American History to recognize America's place in world history. Americans must be informed of the past; they must be proud of the accomplishments and made aware of the mistakes. During the years between 1876 and 1917, America's intentions were to "reform a population to suit U.S. needs" (38). They did this in the name of world advancement, but the results were no doubt profitable to the United States and harmful to many foreign people. There is no doubt that both accomplishments and mistakes were made during this era and after reflecting upon Jacobson's revisions to Americas place in history, it's a bit harder to say I'm proud to be an American.

"...Best of Intentions provides a timely and well-reasoned history of U.S. attempts to prevent the spread of nuclear materials. Henry Sokolski has succeeded in setting forth the current dilemmas facing present-day decision makers and making a compelling analysis of where past policies have gone right or wrong."
Representative Edward J. Markey, (D-Massachusetts), Co-Chairman of the House Bipartisan Task Force on Nonproliferation

"...informed and trenchant...offers valuable insights and presents important challenges - not only to those who have advocated prior non-proliferation initiatives, but to those who contend that there are better options..."
Alton Frye, Vice President, Council on Foreign Relations

"Henry Sokolski has done us all a great service by parsing, briefly and succinctly, the tangled history of nonproliferation, and relating it to the problems we face today."
James Woolsey, former director of the Central Intelligence Agency

"This is an outstanding survey, analysis and critique ...a vitally important addition to the reading lists and libraries of scholars, policymakers, and others having an interest in U.S. national security strategy, technology transfer, arms control and proliferation."
Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr., The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University

"For any Democrat or Republican wishing to rethink what our nonproliferation policies should be, Best of Intentions is the place to begin."
William Kristol, Editor, The Weekly Standard

"...an indispensable primer on a long and crucial battle we may now be losing."
Peter W. Rodman, Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs

"A fascinating history and penetrating critique of U.S. nuclear nonproliferation policy."
Frank Von Hippel, Princeton University, former arms control advisor to the Clinton Administration

"...raises fundamental strategic questions that must be addressed...a thoughtful, welcome provocation."
George Perkovich, author, India's Nuclear Bomb, director of the Alton Jones Foundation

"The Scrapbook is pleased to report the publication of a fine new book by Weekly Standard contributor and weapons-technology expert Henry Sokolski. Best of Intentions is a significant work of scholarship: the first comprehensive history of American efforts to stop the global spread of strategic weapons capabilities since World War II. Any self respecting grown-up will want to buy a copy immediately."
The Weekly Standard

"...This sobering analysis is must reading for scholars and policy makers alike."
Henry Rowen, Stanford University, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs

"...a reference work no serious student of these matters should be without."
Gordon C. Oehler, former Director of the Central Intelligence Agency's Nonproliferation Center

The Weekly Standard May 7, 200l Scrapbook, page 3 Book Notes

The Scrapbook is pleased to report the publication of a fine new book by Weekly Standard contributor and weapons-technology expert Henry Sokolski. Best of Intentions is a significant work of scholarship: the first comprehensive history of American efforts to stop the global spread of strategic weapons capabilities since World War II. Any self-respecting grown-up will want to buy a copy immediately.

Best of Intentions: America's Campaign Against Strategic Weapons Proliferation -- A Practical Primer

As reviewed in ORBIS Summer 2001, By Mark T. Clark,Ph.D., Director of National Security Studies, California State University at San Bernardino.

Henry Sokolski, in his Best of Intentions, expressly eschews the search for the causes of proliferation and instead prefers to evaluate efforts to prevent proliferation in the first place. A former military legislative analyst in the Senate and an official in the Department of Defense during the first Bush administration, he currently heads the nonprofit Nonproliferation Policy Education Center in Washington, D.C. His interests, therefore, lie in the search for practical answers to policy questions, not in the development of theory per se. He proposes to determine how effective U.S. and international efforts have been in curbing proliferation, and specifically intends to "identify and weigh the premises of U.S. nonproliferation policies (p. xii).

His book is divided into seven chapters, the first and last of which deal with the history and future of nonproliferation. The five central chapters are analytic histories of the major nonproliferation policies: the Baruch Plan, the Atoms for Peace Program, the NPT, proliferation technology control regimes, and the U.S. Counterproliferation Initiative. According to Sokolski, each of the initiatives had distinct assumptions that were built upon an assessment of the strategic dangers that needed to be avoided at the time, and each was designed to correct the failures of its precursors. He further argues that "[t]o the extent each characterized the strategic threat properly, they produced nonproliferation measures that were sound. To the extent that they did not, they encouraged measures that were impractical or that actually compounded the proliferation threats they were supposed to reduce" (p. xii).

How U.S. leaders characterized the strategic threat makes for an interesting approach to the periods under examination. It also reminds the reader that there is always a strategic context to policy, and favored solution to perceived problems. In other words, policymakers' assumptions about the world tend to influence their responses to it. For example, after World War II, American policy makers worried that the spread of nuclear weapons would inevitably generate undeterrable wars against which no defense was possible. Since the United States would not be able to deflect potential offensive nuclear wars, it sought to retain sole ownership of nuclear weapons. The Baruch Plan that was offered to the United Nations in 1946 provided, among other things, that anything critical to nuclear bomb making be turned over to the control of an international atomic energy authority, a meritorious proposal in itself. However, the United States' exaggerated fears of undeterrable offensive nuclear wars made it crucial for the country to maintain it sole nuclear monopoly until thorough safeguards were in place - and that condition alone provided the Soviets with the reason to reject it.

The drafters of the Nonproliferation Treaty of l968 had their own strategic assumptions, which continue to fuel debate over nonproliferation policies today. At the heart of the first three articles of the NPT are concerns about the horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons, that is, the spread of nuclear weapons to nonnuclear states. The original Irish proposal in l958 reflected the early fears that the addition of new nuclear powers would lead to international instability, making nuclear war more likely. Before the NPT was finished, however, negotiators began fearing the effects of vertical proliferation, that is, the accumulation of nuclear weapons by the superpowers targets against one another, which could lead to accidental or unauthorized nuclear war. Today some states refuse to sign the NPT unless and until the major powers move more drastically toward disarmament. In the meantime, the dangers of horizontal proliferation continue to grow.

Sokolski's history and analysis would seem to be premised on political realism. In the concluding chapter, however, his prescriptions for new nonproliferation policies reflect a different theoretical bent. Since there are limits and weakness to all the previous policies, he argues, new initiatives must focus on issues more lasting than technological or military contingencies. The next counterproliferation campaign must be anchored in larger policies that distinguish between liberal and hostile illiberal regimes in an effort to broaden, over the long run, the "zones of peace" and shrink "zones of conflict." In other words, Sokolski relies on a form of the "democratic peace theory," which suggests that democracies do not wage war against other democracies. This idea has broad acceptance among American political leaders, from Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton to George W. Bush.