General-Order

Williams makes us think hard about the main axles connecting history with that practice we have now come to call International Relations (and its analogous discipline). It is a book that explores the fundaments of this Century's mishaps and successes, underlining the constant tension between revolt and acquiescence in human nature, a type of historical exposè of "how to go on" (in Wittgensteinian terminology), in terms of creating viable political orders along the line of Williams's intelligently conceived sequence of "the seven R's" [which become clear by the end of the book!]. Williams's project brings to the fore in an almost explosive manner, the ideas that the carnage of the Great War and later the Second World War gave birth to, ideas that were to shape whatever remains of this Century and most possibly the future.

However, what distinguishes this book is that it draws deep on concepts, meanings, history, philosphy and politics, the stuff our lives is made of; this knowledge that Williams has bound together in such an impressive way, is all too important not to have on one's bookshelf. It is crucial, if one is to understand how the lives of citizens spanning the globe have been affected by the formulations of - in many cases - just a few men. And it doesn't stop there: Williams presses hard for answers, by questioning what we have, how we got there, and most importantly, where we are going; almost in a Foucaultian way of understanding History; almost... Because, the questions asked are not simply to deconstruct certain given Truths we may have, they are not there as simply a matter of fact, to question the fact that we question; no, his questions are there to draw our attention to the past, contemplate intensely, and come up with serious solutions for a better 'world-system' next time round. A system which might actually for once develop into an equitable one. But what this book makes so clear, to myself in any case, is that it is up to us as a whole, and this can vividly be encountered in Williams's consideration of the pretext to the Great War, particularly in the first part of the book. The process of thought this book initiates in its later stages, is of salience not just for understanding the latest WTO trade talks or assessing the 'West's' regards toward Russia during the latest Cuacasian adventure, but for reaching far beyond the standard call of duty to address more fundamental issues regarding human viability and, most importantly, peace (with ourselves and one another) for the next Millennium. It is a stark mèlange examining our metaphysical conscience on the one hand, and our willingness and moral predisposition to act on the other.

Further, the fluidity and comprehensibility with which the work has been presented, is certainly beneficial to those of us that want to learn more about what underlies the questions we sometimes pose ourselves about our childrens' future, something others merely consider philosophical hyperbole. A highly commendable, excellent, and necessary piece of writing.

I would thus recommend this book with vigour, not simply for those amongst us who aspire to be, but - especially given the recent explosion of stronger trends in multilateral cooperation (enviornment, trade, etc.) - , most importantly, for those of us that are.

In "Forth and Abroad," readers get more of a history lesson of the Roswell Poor Clares' five foundations than an inside peek of what it means to be a Poor Clare. It is an interesting read, but lacks the personal touch, humor, and character descriptions that made "A Right to be Merry" so delightful. Readers will certainly get a sense of a community that is willing to grow and change with the call of God. A good book for the history of the Poor Clares in the 20th century.

This is an entertaining alphabet book that does more than help children learn the ABC's. It also helps in increasing their vocabulary and understanding of the world. The pictures in the book look like paper cut outs pasted upon the page. Each page is filled with lots of things that start with the letter of the page. For example everything from apples to armadillos to acorns are pictured and labeled on the "A" page. At the bottom of each page is a question and an illustration that can be answered by careful examining the items listed above. For example, on the "D" page the question is "Why should Dog and Duck duck?" (the answer is dynamite). Kids enjoy looking at this book and it's fun to read to children on a one-on-one basis.

"A Guide to the Saints" is well organized and provides a concise and pithy summary of the key aspects of the lives of over 300 saints.

The reader does not have to be religious to use and enjoy this book. It is very helpful in understanding and appreciating art and history - to learn who the saints are that appear in so many paintings and books, and what they did. Also, people who are interested in the derivation of their names can - in many cases - trace them back to a saint. In a number of countries, it is obligatory to give a child a saint's name.

Basically, the book presumes what will be happenning by the year 200. Due to political injustice in Haiti, democratie seems not to be as effective as it is supposed to be. So the New Worl order may be a matter that can lead the country to become worst than before in all areas.

Clark's "Hierarchy" is a concise, well written book that covers issues of Kantian optimism, pessimism, and balance of power when analyzing interntaional reltaions, starting from the Congree of Vienna in 1815. Whether the author's structural breakdown of the last 200 years of European IR is perfectly accurate or not should not be the focus. Instead, the book is important because of the strength of the argument laid forth by Clark. A highly technical work, it is not easy reading, yet any person well grounded in IR theory will benefit from reading this book.

A good book from somebody that really knows the subject. Preston King have before organized lots of relevant articles about Hobbes, in four volumes. Now, he gifts us with an interesting comparative analyses of Bodin and Hobbes, about something that is important to everybody who was trying to understand State and sovereignity: how can we work with order and human beings?

This historiographical study about Islamic and European colonization gives me insight into how colonizers assimilated with indigenous peoples and its ultimate effects. This book recognizes the ethnocentrisms prevalent in European history. The author argues for a more all-inclusive approach for studying European history, including the woman's role in societies. The maps and statistical analyses added to my understanding about how European history as taught in schools has in the past neglected gender and multiethnic interpretations.

THIS BOOK gives a fascinating picture of the European Union's strategy for creating a single European state, and it does so by focusing on Jacques Delors' career as President of the European Commission. Creating a single European state was the EC's aim from its beginning. Ross observes that "In contrast to ordinary international organisations, the European Community was set up to contain a supranational 'motor' which would constantly press forward towards more integration."

Deception about this aim was also built in from the very beginning. Pascal Lamy, Delors' chef de cabinet, explained, "The people weren't ready to agree to integration, so you had to get on without telling them too much about what was happening." Ross sums it up very well: "the 'Monnet method' politically had a 'stealth' side to it. The Community's founders had never been confident that the response would be positive if Europeans were asked clearly whether they wanted European integration. From its origins EC Europe was an elite operation."

Delors (like Blair now) did everything possible to 'bring capital on board' for his schemes. The result was to exclude and alienate the working class. In this, as in all else, the European Union is classic social democracy: reformist in words, reactionary in practice. Delors' aim of building a new Europe defeated itself, given that his method was to work with capital and its existing structures.

Now people are increasingly wised up to the economic and political costs of political union. People now know that EU decisions affect them. This causes problems for the EU and creates opportunities for our class to oppose it. Every move by the EU generates greater resistance. For instance, in 1986 Thatcher signed the Single European Act, which carried a commitment to "enhance the Community's monetary capacity with a view to economic and monetary union." This Single Market, that was sold to us as a great creator of jobs and production, destroyed jobs on a huge scale.

The Exchange Rate Mechanism was also supposed to enable productive investment to create jobs. Instead it has brought higher unemployment, which is now well over 10% across the EU. The EU's social programmes mask another 5% more unemployed. In return for losing jobs, Delors gave the trade unions 'social dialogue'. The Single Market, the Exchange Rate Mechanism and the convergence criteria laid down in the Maastricht Treaty, together caused the current recession. This in turn slowed the EU's momentum towards integration.

Delors had aimed to find "proposals that played enough to British neo-liberalism to lower the British guard against 'the further pooling' of sovereignty down the line." These proposals were enough to seduce successive Conservative Governments into accepting huge losses of sovereignty.

What Delors hoped would be a great advance for the EU, the unification of Germany, has turned into a disaster for the EU, threatening its whole future. Unification imposed vast costs on West Germany, slowing its economic growth and increasing its budget deficit to way above the Maastricht ceiling.

Now the EU faces a killing dilemma: widen, to include the countries of Eastern Europe, or deepen, by moving to a single currency. Ross writes that widening to include the East European countries "would have wiped them out economically as swiftly and surely as German reunification had wiped out East Germany." It would also, as German unification did on West Germany, impose vast costs on the present EU members, especially the richer ones.

Deepening is also creating its own problems. The Maastricht Treaty, and the single currency, was supposed to be the great turning point from market-building to state-building. The French Prime Minister Juppe recently said, "The European single currency is a political issue. It is destined to be the bedrock of the European Union." On present form, it looks more likely to be its gravestone.

The EU increasingly resembles the old Austro-Hungarian Empire, sprawling, unwieldy and bureaucratic, with Delors as its Metternich. In every member country, workers are learning the costs of losing national sovereignty, and in every country, workers are starting to assert a new nationalism, a workers' nationalism, designed to rebuild their country.

Now we must seize the chance to unite Britain against the European Union. We have to take responsibility for solving Britain's problems, for finding a way out of the present mess. We must rebuild Britain by working out ways of getting everybody back to work, and by planning how to improve our area of work.

Father William Mackey, the subject of the book, was one of the few "white" westerners(a Jesuit priest for that matter) to develop a close affinity with the people of the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan. The book is a great way to learn about a person who was welcomed and loved by the Bhutanese. A Jesuit priest, Father Mackey was instrumental in introducing western education in Bhutan in the 1960s.He is still remembered affectionately in Bhutan and he touched the life of many a Bhutanese ranging from the royal family to farmers in rural Bhutan. The late Father Mackey, was accorded the highest civilian honor, the medal of the "Heart Son of Bhutan" by the present monarch of Bhutan,His Majesty King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. A legend in Bhutan, there are numerous stories about this missionary who did not prosetylize and was least interested in converting the predominantly Buddhist Bhutanese. The author of the book had the good fortune of interviewing Father Mackey extensively. A great story of a good man.