Expansion Books

This is the single best book I have ever read. I first read in way back in college (Auburn University)for an American History class. I had to write a book review on it and the professor gave me an A. He said it was the first A he had ever given on a book review. The reason the review was so good is that the book was so good. It tells the true stories of the mountain men and the Donner Party plus others during that time period, At the time I first read it, I found it absolutely fascinating and finding a copy of it after all these years is an absolute delight. It's a must read for every history buff.

Billington is a scholar with the ability to tell a story lucidly and with a novelist's eye for what makes a book readable. He has selected colorful incidents to hightlight each section of his narrative. The geographical area covered in this book is primarily the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean. The author does travel eastward to Texas to develop the theme of overland travel and to describe historic western trails. Billington had two objectives: (1) The influence of national or world events on frontier America settlement; and (2) The relationship of Turner's Frontier Hypothesis on the customs of frontier people.

Billington generally finds support for Turner's thesis and concludes that western development was important in American history - a fact with which few would argue. He spends little time on Turner's proposition that the frontier was paramount in the evolution of the American character rather than a basic European background. Regardless, Billington has done much to resurrect Turner from the ash heap of history toward partial acceptance by the present day academic community.

This is a competent job of writing although there are annoyances that crop up throughout the book. Billington gives little attention to exploration and doesn't touch upon Indian life except as it affects that of the settlers. There is little information on early agriculture and urban development or the economic effect of the West's resources on the Eastern part of the United States. There are minor errors such as an incorrect title for Marcus Whitman and a misspelling of Henry Spaulding's name. Some debatable omissions are more serious.

The author finds little fault with the Spanish mission system in California as he recites their vast vineyards and impressive herds of livestock. Billington neglects the sordid aspects of the conversion of Native Americans to the unforgiving "labor and supply" system used by the missions. He does point out the harsh treatment by Mexicans of Indians under the notorious Ranchero system.

Billington has another blind spot with regard to the Mormon experience. He finds early day Mormon communities blameless in any dispute they may have had with neighboring gentiles. He raison d'etre for the Mormon Massacre is to cast blame upon the men, women, and children of the wagon train for their own destruction. Billington also disregards reports of ruthless actions undertaken by the Mormon hierarchy to keep back-sliding Mormons from leaving the community.

Billington's footnotes are interspersed throughout each chapter making this information easily accessible to a reader. Unfortunately, all photographs are placed in the center of the book which lessens their usefulness. Maps which relate to the text are positioned in the proper places. The bibliography, although dated, is in narrative form wherein Billington analyzes his sources. There are good and bad reasons with this method of listing source material.

The author tells his story with obvious enthusiasm. He eulogizes the pioneer spirit and applaudes various heroic personages not without justification. Any reader who is interested in the story of the acquisition of California, Oregon, Texas, and is curious about the Santa Fe trade network, gold mining, fur trading, and overland travel will find this book to his or her taste.

Frederick Jackon Turner, onetime Harvard professor and former president of the American Historical Association, was one of the most influential scholars in the field of U.S. History. His greatest contribution was the "frontier thesis," first advanced in 1893. The Turner thesis (as it is also known) stated, in brief, that "the existence of an area of free land, its continuous recession, and the advance of American settlement westward, explain American development."

This thesis has been one of the most important and lasting interpretations of American history. It has also been one of the most repudiated, challenged, and attacked theories, so it has certainly needed its defenders over the years. Turner had one defender, however, who stood head and shoulders above the rest. That was Ray Allen Billington, a noted scholar in his own right, the former curator of the Huntington Library, and one of Turner's staunchest and most tireless disciples.

In writing The Far Western Frontier (first published in 1962), Billington had two expressed purposes in mind, which he laid out in the preface. The first was to describe, in all possible detail, the movement of settlers into America's Far West, along with the events, both national and international, that influenced their migration. His second objective was "to advance evidence pertaining to the generations-old conflict over the so-called `frontier hypothesis.'" Implicit in that second purpose was Billington's desire to advance evidence in favor of the frontier hypothesis (i.e., the Turner thesis).

The Far Western Frontier tells the story of America's western migration from approximately 1830 to 1860. It is divided into twelve chapters, each telling the history of the settlement of a particular region (e.g., "the Mexican Borderlands," "The Mormons Move Westward," and "the California Gold Rush"). As part of his analysis, Billington judges the extent to which each of these settlement processes confirmed or refuted Turner's thesis. This is generally done in a subtle fashion; he seldom engages in any explicit discussion of Turner's hypothesis. However, the entire book is shot through with the very spirit of Turner. His presence lingers on every page.

As is characteristic of Billington, The Far Western Frontier is wonderfully literate, informative, and well written. The lively and eminently readable narrative is only fitting for a study of the American West-an area of history filled with great heroes, cowardly villains, and profuse myth-making. Billington, however, was not one to ignore his responsibilities as a historian in favor of the pursuit of drama. His methodology is sufficiently rigorous and objective to give much weight to his arguments. In typical Billington fashion, The Far Western Frontier is well documented (one might almost say exhaustively) and contains an extensive, if not comprehensive, bibliography.

Billington undertook a very serious take in writing this book-the rehabilitation of the Turner thesis-and he set about it in a most serious way. He brought to bear all of his considerable skills as a historian and scholar in an effort to describe and analyze the unique course of the settlement of the Far West, and to do so in a way that demonstrates the validity of the frontier thesis.

Ultimately, though, The Far Western Frontier must stand or fall according to how well Billington achieved his two stated objectives. On that basis, the book is a resounding success. It effectively recounts the movement of settlers into the Far West and the influence of world events on that migration. It also goes a long way toward not only re-examing the American West in terms of Turner's thesis, but in advancing the validity of that hypothesis.

The Far Western Frontier is a book both for the historian, and for anyone with an interest in this crucial part of American's history.

One of the best books written on the conflict. Nur Masalha uses Israeli government archives to examine the idea of "Greater Israel" (uniting Israel proper with the West Bank and Gaza) in Israeli politics. Right wing settlers have long advocated Jewish expansion into the occupied territories as a way of driving the Palestinians out. One has to remember that the current conflict in Israel and Palestine is not only about security, but also about Zionism and expansionism. This book will make you see the conflict in a whole new light.

If you are looking for a book that clearly explains Israel's desire to expand their state since 1948, even at the expense of taking over Arab lands, buy this book. The author backs up his opinions with hundreds and hundreds of quotes, using archival evidence. It seems to be a very well researched book and it is written in a clear and concise manner that will help one to understand "Imperial Israel's" aims and desire to conquest to their neighbors. I learned a lot from this book and enjoyed reading it as well.

Masalha focuses on the Israeli policy of dispossession and institutionalized goal of greater Israel or Eretz Israel. He presents irrefutable evidence and sources in support of his assertions which gives the book an undeniable balance. This is not an indictment of the state of Israel. It is simply a record of the policy pursued by Israel through individuals, private groups, and governmental bodies with the overarching objective of disposesing the Palestinians of their properties and then moveing them out of Israel and the occupied territories. Nothing is presented or suggested without proof. Masalha balances his book by also discussing Israeli individuals or organizations that oppose, what most of them rightfully consider as racist, the policies that seek to force the Palestinians off their lands. No student of the Middle East in general, or the Palestinian/Arab-Israeli conflict in particular can afford to neglect reading this book. The failure of the peace process can not be fully understood without learning of the expansionist history of the state of Israel that is presented here. Labor and the Likud, though seemingly on opposite ends of the spectrum in their approach to the peace process, share a common history that sought to realize the Zionist goal of Eretz Israel at the cost of the Palestinians. Masalha also provides a comprehensive listing and a thorough discussion of individuals and groups that have sought to achieve that objective. That information alone gives this book an encyclopedic depth that is invaluable to comprehending the actors involved in the policy of dispossession and diaspora of the Palestinians.

A well written book by a fellow NW Missourian, Mr. Croy interviewed many eyewitness's to the actual James gang robberies. It is easy and fun to read. A must have book.

I first read this book in grade school, UMPTEEN years ago, when , mostly to annoy my Mom, I set about reading every book I could find on western outlaws. After my "Billy the Kid" era, I moved on to Jesse James. First I read the "scholarly" books with the ooky pictures of dead outlaws and Jesse's scary one-armed mother (her hand was blown off by a bomb lobbed through the family door by the Pinkertons.) Then I found Homer Croy, who tells roughly the same stories, but with a wonderfully humorous and personal writing style. Stylistic, yes, and probably more legend than truth. But of all the books, this is my very favorite. I was so happy to learn it was back in print. I assume that Mr. Croy has passed on, but he hasn't, I'd travel to wherever he is to buy him lunch. Perhaps not a "great" book in the sense of, say, WAR & PEACE, but a great book nonetheless.

Homer Croy wrote this informal biography of the James boys of Missouri, first published in 1949. The author uses homespun sources for many of the stories and anecdotes of Jesse and Frank, the Younger brothers, and their nefarious associates. Mr. Croy lived near Jesse's base in northwestern Missouri, hence the title. Croy was born the year after Jesse died, and considered himself almost a contemporary. He traveled to various towns and farms interviewing folks who remembered the Widow James and her famous sons. The result is a casual history, and reminds one of sitting on a front porch in small town Missouri while the old people spin tales. Lest one doubt the credibility of the sources, Mr. Croy takes care through newspaper archives and other, more objective sources to verify the facts. He also briefly examines the influence of Frank and Jesse on dime novels, art, and movies. Croy is forthright in his biases, but also keeps his tongue firmly planted in his cheek. Out in Missouri, folks truly admired Jesse and Frank, especially their low opinion of banks and railroads. It's doubtful that Jesse James was really an Old West Robin Hood, but the book never seriously suggests that as a fact. We can believe that Jesse's killer, Bob Ford, was a coward, and that Pinkerton men were considered polecats. Decent folks just didn't stand for that type of behavior. The book won't give the reader any particular insight, beyond the obvious, of the James boys and their motivations. Nevertheless, it's an entertaining blend of fact and folklore. Good light reading for students of Western history. ;-)

The book is very interesting reading. I could hardly put it down after starting it. I'm not sure of total accuracy in all points but I believe its close to factual, maybe some embellishment but generally writters do that in order to fill in the cracks.
Ezekiel Williams was the first white man to settle in Benton county Missouri. He founded the town of Cole Camp, Mo. where we celebrate the Williams reunion every two years.
Maybe I have a more positive view of the book because Ezekiel is my 6th. generation grandfather.
Bob

The book is very interesting reading. I could hardly put it down after starting it. I'm not sure of total accuracy in all points but I believe its close to factual, maybe some embellishment but generally writters do that in order to fill in the cracks.
Ezekiel Williams was the first white man to settle in Benton county Missouri. He founded the town of Cole Camp, Mo. where we celebrate the Williams reunion every two years.
Maybe I have a more positive view of the book because Ezekiel is my 6th. generation grandfather.
Bob

While this is an absorbing and interesting tale, it is difficult at times to distinguish between fact and fiction. In his introduction, Dr. Weber examines myth versus authenticity in Coyner's work on trapper Ezekiel Williams' life in the early 1800's. It is a good book and worthy of reading.

I hate some books which offer good ideas but never will they be well-organized; however, this book is not the case at all. Kessler has her own brilliant ideas and has organized them excellently. She divides the different time periods with more than enough supporting materials and yet she never forgets her key-position. The perspectives are convincing, the bibliography is reachable and useful (I have found a few more applicable materials through the very bibliography); the only tiny problem is the pictures offered. There are many monuments or coins or even statues on Sacajawea. Amazingly, Kessler offers only one in page 182. However, this problem can be covered due to Kessler's encyclopedic and also provocative writing. (Sandie Y.R.Lo, Taiwan)

I just finished reading this book as part of some research I am doing on Sacagawea. I couldn't put it down from the moment I read the first page. Ms Kessler does a wonderful job of placing her literature review in a coherent theoretical framework. I have read most of the books and articles written about Sacagawea cited in Ms Kessler's work; I deeply appreciated her analysis of how each of these authors fits into the larger picture.

Best of all, Ms Kessler provides a thoughtful discussion of Native American contributions to the literature. Most of the Native American authors she cites do not specifically address the question of Sacagawea. Rather, they provide an essential (but usually overlooked) point of view of the Native American experience over time.

Thank you, Ms Kessler!!

As a student of Colonial history and a professor of economics, I have often been amazed at the historical errors and myths one finds in Early American literature. Donna J. Kessler has taken on one such myth that will amaze you in its depth. She reveals how some infrequent references by Lewis and Clark to the Indian woman's helpfulness are embellished and just plain ignored by novelists and other writers during the past two centuries. These writers have turned a simple woman into a princess, an early American feminist and maybe a suffragette. I plan to use this material when teaching courses in "Critical Thinking" to illustrate how easily we can be mislead by zealous misrepresentations from the past. Ms Kessler's definitive work is very difficult to read. I suspect it was her dissertation for a Ph. D. Nonetheless let me heartily recommend it to you as a classic example of fine scholarship. It is one that any truth seeker can learn from. Just don't plan to speak on it at a feminist convention.

Shansab describes social affairs like Naipal writes about religious problems.

I found Shansab's analysis refreshing and would recommend this book to anybody who is interested in the Middle East and Islamic fundamentalism.

Mr. Shansab's book, written ten years before the Taliban, is nothing short of prescient. His narrative is succinct, forceful and descriptive. The author's analysis of Afghanistan's pre-communist days, the Soviet invasion, and the Afghan resistance eerily transcends the subject of his book.

Shansab, Nasir
1986 Soviet Expansion in the Third World: Afghanistan: A Case Study. Silver Spring, Maryland: Bartleby Press. Pp.xii, 190; some pictures; some vague maps.

Nasir Shansab�s book deals with the Soviet�s expansion into Afghanistan. His book chronicles Communisms rise in Afghanistan, the Soviets� invasion of Afghanistan in 1919, and the subsequent jihad that has followed. However, it is important to note that this book was written in 1986, before the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan had ended. However, Shansab does a wonderful job on giving a detailed history of the fifteen to twenty years that led up to the Soviet invasion, as well as details as to what took place during the occupation. The book begins by telling the reader �Russian expansionist ambitions in Central and Southwest Asia had taught Afghan rulers to be on guard.� Thus rulers of Afghanistan were always cautious of their northern neighbors. The book itself is divided into four main parts. The first part of the book deals with how and why Soviet Communist ideas spread into Afghanistan. Shansab feels that because of �[p]overty, lack of opportunity, social injustice, and political subjugation,� throughout the seventies and earlier, has left Afghanistan as a prime place for instilling communist beliefs. He goes on to state that the Soviets planned to use this social unrest and the public�s frustration to their own advantage. Thus during the 1950�s they began to loan Afghanistan money and began trading with them in an attempt to make them seem as a more powerful, yet charitable ally, while in reality making Afghanistan dependent on the Soviet assistance. In the sixties, the Soviets began funding groups in order to spread communism into Afghanistan. Shortly after, a small group of Marxists met in 1965 and formed the People�s Democratic Party of Afghanistan. This group felt that they needed to abolish the existing political system, and replace it with a Communist regime. Thus, part one ends with Daoud being overthrown by the Communist party by announcing their victory on radio in Kabul.
The second part of the book deals with the different social and cultural aspects of Afghanistan, and how they dealt with the new Communist leaders. Shansab details incidents, especially one in Heart in March of 1979, where the lower class and middle class people revolted against the new Communist regime by ransacking government buildings and killing local officials. These incidents began to grow in number, as well as the death toll of Communist leaders and Shiite Muslims. The protests and executions grew so bad that by the summer of 1979, the Soviets were convinced they had to invade Afghanistan and put down the rebellions. In part three of the book, Shansab deals with strategies and tactics of the Russian army when they invaded Afghanistan. Their first step was to assassinate the old ruler, Hafizullah Amin and installed Babrak Karmal as president, in an attempt to have him and the PDPA consolidate power. Shansab describes this new phase of Afghani history by explaining that �The tragedy of a nation engulfed in civil war caused by internal socio-political factors now took on the form of a national resistance against foreign occupation.� The soviet army began to kill protestors and students that were in opposition. By 1981, the Soviets had shown that they were incapable of putting down the resistance movement. Shansab feels that this weakness was due to the fact that all of the army�s orders came from Moscow, a place not used to fighting guerilla wars. The resistance continued, and in 1985, six years after the initial invasion, the Soviet soldiers hadn�t accomplished any of their goals and were still trying to stop the resistance fighters. In fact by 1986, all the Russians had accomplished was forcing 3 million refugees into Pakistan and one million into Iran. Since the book was published in 1986, part three ends here with Afghanistan�s neighbors dealing with the refugee problem. Part four deals with Soviet geopolitics and American efforts to help the Afghani people and refugees. Shansab feels that the reason the Soviets have not found success in Afghanistan is because they did not count on such strong resistance. According to Shansab, there are 10 different factions of resistance, each being unique in religious or social backgrounds. �In spite of its obvious shortcomings, the Afghan resistance has continuously grown from its isolated pockets of rebellion into a nationwide war of resistance.� Shansab feels that this is a war that the Soviets most likely will not win. He feels that the only reason that the Soviets are trying to invade Afghanistan is because they feel that they are in completion with the United States for influence in the smaller countries of Asia and Europe. However, Shansab feels that because of this event, this has forced the United States from a passive observer into an active challenger. He notes that the United States has been giving covert assistance to Afghanistan and its neighbors in order to hinder the Soviet�s operation. However, Shansab feels that the United States must now deal with either trying to build democracy in other Third World countries, or whether it should help the existing governments in order to ensure the public�s safety. Thus in his final statement, Shansab states that he feels that this conflict is bigger than just the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, he feels as if the United States should help the Afghani people not only because they are being oppressed but for the sake of the free world.
Bryon Wait

The book was in great condition the price was great and i recieved it within a weeks time.

I found this book to be more informative and unbiased than I expected. Since Rosenberg approaches her subject from a revisionist standpoint, I feared there would be a politicized undercurrent that would turn me off. Rosenberg's thesis is well-stated and clearly explained. She examines America's economic and cultural expansion in the period between 1890 and 1945 (although she dips rather significantly at times into the late 1940s). What she discovers is a steady progression from private activity to government-led efforts to expand America's influence in the world. At the heart of her study is an ideological concept she calls liberal developmentalism; this uniquely American thinking was, she posits, pervasive in American government and culture by 1890. Americans believed their system was the best in the world and that the export of the American system (free trade, free enterprise, the free flow of information) throughout the world would guarantee America's economic preeminence while building up weaker nations and ultimately securing world peace. American motives were quite selfish, as expansionism seemed to hold the only solution for the depression of the 1890s, but Americans also truly believed the world would benefit by Americanization. She identifies three distinct eras: a "promotional state" from the 1890s up until World War I, in which the government took a hands-off approach to diplomacy while American entrepreneurs and investors worked hard to expand their business to foreign markets; a "cooperative state" in the 1920s, in which government publicly appeared to stay out of diplomatic wrangling but behind the scenes sought to guide investment that would benefit the United States, even if it involved monopolies or American-dominated cartels; and a "regulatory state" in the 1930s and beyond, in which the government actively began to seek the means by which to control the world economy that had fallen into depression as a result of the long-term failures of the cooperative approach. The Great Depression and spread of fascism convinced Roosevelt and others to seek the reins of the world economy.

Rosenberg points out the contradictory nature of American policy. While espousing free trade and free access, America continued to employ protectionist tariffs and did not mind the lack of free access for other nations in American-dominated zones of interest. She clearly explains how de facto diplomacy by private businessmen, while successful in the short-term, was helpless to stop the terrible descent into economic bad times. She easily shows that America was far from isolationist during the first three decades of the twentieth century despite appearances to the contrary. The subject I found most interesting in the book had to do with the export of American cultural values. Rosenberg provides an enlightening discussion of movies/radio, communications, philanthropy, and missionary work in spreading the American way of life to other countries. While this is a rather dry book at times, the discussion of cultural issues is a fascinating examination of a topic often overlooked by authors in this field of study.

The historian in me does frown upon Rosenberg's lack of footnotes. While she does provide a helpful bibliography at the end of the book, the lack of distinct, verifiable citations robs a little bit of the authority so eloquently expressed in her thesis. All in all, though, the book presents a compelling and forceful argument and provides a valuable new insight into the history of post-1890 American diplomacy.

Emily Rosenberg contends that "American expansion was dominated by and ideology of 'liberal developmentalism' that used the rhetoric of peace, prosperity, and democracy to promote Americanizing the world in the name of modernization." From the 1890s to 1945, "America's economic and cultural influence spread worldwide," simultaneously infiltrating the many crevices of foreign countries and markets alike. According to Rosenberg, "this American dream of high technology and mass consumption was both promoted and accompanied by an ideology...[of] liberal-developmentalism... this ideology matured during the twentieth century...[an ideology] that merged nineteenth-century liberal tenets with the historical experience of America's own development, elevating the beliefs and experiences of America's unique historical time and circumstance into developmental laws thought to be applicable everywhere."

This ideology, according to the author, is a term used to describe "the system of beliefs, values, fears, prejudices, reflexes, and commitments--in sum, the social consciousness of the Americans--which generally dominated the expansion of America's influence into foreign lands." Moreover, "ideology is viewed as a 'political weapon, manipulated consciously in ongoing struggles for legitimacy and power, as an instrument for creating and controlling organizations." In the context of previous class discussions, particularly in terms of internalized notions of North American superiority and racism, one is struck with the historical thread that connects the ideas and practices of each generation and how those concepts are then weaved and contorted to fit the mold of a justifiable international expansionism. Indeed, Rosenberg herself concludes, "most Americans believed that Protestant Christianity was a spiritual precondition for modernization... [thus] religious duty and national destiny fused together," an idea reminiscent of Max Weber's famous thesis.

The ideology of liberal-developmentalism, according to the author, can be broken down into five major features: "(1) belief that other nations could and should replicate America's own developmental experience; (2) faith in private free enterprise; (3) support for free or open access for trade and investment; (4) promotion of free flow of information and culture; and (5) growing acceptance of governmental activity to protect private enterprise and to stimulate and regulate American participation in international economic and cultural exchange." This ideology, particularly during the so-called "Great Depression" of 1929, ignited the stagnating economy of the US during one of the worst financial slumps of the century. Private economic expansion overseas and corporate determination decided-early on-the direction that US policy would take in terms of monopolizing various companies and, in effect, legalizing a number of "cartels."

In tune with Thomas Ferguson's article, Rosenberg essentially states that previous notions of the "Great Depression" warrant some revisions and reconsideration, chiefly in terms of benevolent policies geared towards workers and the dispossessed. Ferguson states, for instance, that "a clear view of the New Deal's world historical uniqueness and significance comes only when one breaks with most of the commentaries of the last thirty years, goes back to primary sources, and attempts to analyze the New Deal as a whole in the light of explicit theories about industrial structure, party competition, and public policy. Then what stands out is the novel type of political coalition that Roosevelt built. At the center of this coalition, however, are not the workers, blacks, and poor who have preoccupied liberal commentators, but something else: a new "historical bloc (in Gramsci's phrase) of capital-intensive industries, investment banks, and internationally oriented commercial banks." Furthermore, "This bloc constitutes the basis of the New Deals great and, in world history, utterly unique achievement: its ability to accommodate millions of mobilized workers amidst world depression."

The genius of Rosenberg, if I may call it that, is her ability to synthesize various works and ideas current during this period: both contemporary and historical. What she fails to provide, however, are some of the other variables intertwined with questions of overseas expansion and the corporate decisions that took place as a result of these variables and how those ideas found their way to the popular culture and ideas of the average American. This is to say that the connections between the liberal developmentalists and the government's programs supporting an open door policy do not connect with the popular ideas of the people themselves.

With these few critiques aside, though, Rosenberg and Ferguson's theses together overthrow the historical straw man of popular depression-era history. Yet, the more we examine the origins and outcomes of the Great Depression of 1929 the more we discover that diplomatic history has yet to fill in the historiographical void of numerous New Deal Policies, especially the effects thereafter. For instance, Robert Freeman Smith's article on the historical origins of the Pax Americana reveal yet another facet of foreign relations and its implications for an informal overseas empire, particularly the US's military policy and its declining capability in the middle of the depression. In discussing the Republican administration prior to Roosevelt, Smith states that "they were deeply involved in the task of developing and refining the tactics of informal empire--the Pax Americana." Additionally, these officials "were trying to utilize nonmilitary tactics...[which in turn] placed limitations on the extent of governmental involvement (or meddling)." Ironically, however, in the absence of a "strong" military, capital investments overseas, particularly in Latin America, served as the foundation of later underdevelopment on those countries that would later become dependent on the world market economy.

In the context of Latin American countries the policies that emerged following the depression of 1929 have yet to be analyzed in their totality: economic (including corporate), military, cultural, diplomatic, international, and ethnocentric ideas consistent with the times. Here I am simply saying that we have yet to receive a panoramic picture of US foreign policy towards Latin America that encompasses the various aspects mentioned above. A few questions are worth mentioning. What factors were involved in North American policies toward Mexico before and after the Good Neighbor Policy? How was the US able to reconcile its notions of atmospheric solidarity with Latin America while simultaneously rounding up Mexicans and Mexican Americans like cattle and forcing them across its southern border? What factors were involved in the occupation of Haiti and Nicaragua, especially in terms of diplomacy, defaults (loans), and military capabilities? What were the advantages and disadvantages of the Good Neighbor Policy for Latin America? In the words of Walter LaFeber, is there a direct correlation between underdevelopment in Central America and the rise of revolutions three and four decades later in that region? Finally, how crucial was Latin America's support to the United States on the eve of WWII?

As a great (x3) grandson of Eliza Spalding, I found this book (and "Memoirs of the West", by Eliza's daughter) to be very hard to put down. When I did, all I wanted to do was tell my daughters about the women in their family. I came across this book doing a search of ancestors, and benefitted greatly from the work done by Karen Rico, whose review is above.

This is a story of tough people, who, amazingly, held on to their religious convictions through every test possible, even the threat of ugly death. Once again, truth is more outrageous than fiction.

As a great-great-greatdaughter of eliza hart spalding, I found the book very informative and enlightening. I never realized the perils and problems that being the first white women in a land of natives that could be encountered. Both Narcissa and Eliza had courage and strength even though they seemed to have different personalities. The author was very informative and he backed his findings whenever possible with historical fact and copies of letters and diaries. I found that I was able to visualize the trek across the country and the life that these women had to endure by being missionaries. The author even noted the problems between Catholics and Protestants during that time.

As Eliza Spalding's great-great grandaughter, I was deeply moved by the account given of Eliza and Narcissa's journey into the rugged and primitive Northwest territory in 1836. In our current age of technology, where knowledge of the unknown comes to us in full color without direct experience, it is unimaginable to consider two young women,driven from family and loved ones by their devout spritual quest,brave enough to endure the rigors of exploration. Mr. Drury's words both enlightened me and filled me with pride to be connected to one of these relatively unknown heroines. I will recommend this book to my high school students, to draw on the example of the courageous role modeling illustrated by the lives of both Eliza and Narcissa. In light of their fearless independence and their unparalled commitment to a cause greater than themselves, they teach us much about the human spirit. One may need to rethink the origin of the women's liberation movement as the pages of this book are turned, revealing the strength and enduring power of Eliza and Narcissa.

Roosevelt does quite well to capture the essence of what went on during the period when the colonists began westward. The point made by the editor that it is indeed a wonder that this work was ever created at all is well taken when one considers Roosevelt's involvement with so much else in his life while he produced what, for the time, was a very scholarly opus.

One must be patient with the narrative; it tends to be choppy. One must also be patient with, or at least understanding of, TR's view of the world and especially his notion of upon whom the greater glory of the westward expansion rests.

All in all, it is seemingly a must read (as is the entire series) for anyone having either an interest in the history of this time, or an interest in TR and his works.

Theodore's Roosevelt's "The Winning of The West" volume one is unlike most modern histories. His is a story of the founding of the American Republic West of the Original 13. This volume is of the late Colonial Period. He is unafraid to make very harsh judgements, attacking both the American Indians and the Pioneers, although it is clear who he favours. He does have many prejudices, but, to be honest, most Historians do. President Roosevelt's were just of the less respected, today at least, kind. The whole series is very much worth reading, and is a worthy investment of capital and time. Ryan M.

Before Roosevelt begins sensationalizing in the second volume, he describes the utter wilderness of the region and characterizes both the individual settlers and Indians who would play decisive roles in the settlement and migration of whites westward, and also gives sweeping portraits of the Indian nations encountered during our westward expansion. The hardships of the settlers due to the ruggedness of their new mountain home, their self-reliance, the cold winters, the need to fell forest for pasture and tillage, the daily peril of Indian attacks, and the distant relations with their origins to the east complete this wonderfully written and diversified study of early American frontier life.

This was required reading for a graduate course in the history of American military affairs. Francis Paul Prucha's Broadax and Bayonet: The Role of the United States Army in the Development of the Northwest 1815-1860 is the first major work devoted to the notion of the frontier army as a multipurpose entity that served the federal government's expansionist interests. Prucha explains to the reader that his study is not a traditional military history in the sense that it does not focus on "wars and campaigns, strategy and tactics, nor organizational and administrative techniques." Rather, Prucha realized the need for a study on the "non-military services of frontier soldiers," and he contends these activities merit historians' attention because they "protected, restricted, [and] encouraged other enterprises on the frontier." This work also emphasizes the idea that the frontier army carried out the federal government's expansionist policies, particularly in the realms of technological improvements, scientific achievements, and in the general development of the West.

Prucha's Broadax and Bayonet clearly laid the foundations for Michael L. Tate's The Frontier Army, and this becomes more apparent from a comparison of the chapters in each work. Prucha focuses on the military's role in policing the frontier, its agricultural endeavors and experiments, its contribution to the development of roads and transportation, and even the scientific accomplishments of the army during this period. All of these topics are explored by Tate, so it is clear that he views Prucha's work as one of the authoritative texts on the multipurpose frontier army. Prucha's contribution to this field does not end with Broadax and Bayonet, he expanded on his research by publishing The Sword of the Republic: The United States Army on the Frontier, 1783-1846.

Recommended reading for anyone interested in military history, and American history.

For those of us today that would like to think that the role of the US Army should be only fighting wars, you need to read this book. From the very founding of our nation, our Army has served as both an instrument of waging war and an instrument of waging peace.

This book goes a long way to defining the Army's role in the settlement of the Old Northwest. The author reviews the Army's roles in public works, the building of public roads, its taming of the wilderness, its scientific achievements and its role as frontier policeman.

This is a short work but a very good companion to Robert Utley's Frontiersmen in Blue. In times of peace, the American military's impact is every bit as important to the development and protection of America as it is in time of war. This excellent little book reveals that the Army has always been an instrument of America's development and most likely always will be.