Estate-tax Books

Finally, a book absolutely anyone can understand when deciding how and where to invest. Mr. Dunetz is obviously an intelligent man but is able to speak to the layman as well as the established investor.

I'm glad I read this book before I planned my estate. Finally, a comprehensive and easy to read volume on the subject.

My sister Allison turned me on to this book when I told her of my concern towards protecting my future assets, and am I glad she did. Easy to read information that has already helped me in my quest to protect my sizable fortune obtained after years and years of domestic cat breeding.

Greg's book is a classic.

Great resource book to read and then give to clients and their advisors to aid them in turning the corner on the paradigm shift that needs to occur if they are to move beyond the 10 yard line of the typical estate plan.

i read this book and will post remarks on lexingtontruth.com

If people knew how that property taxes have made their property worthless they would leave this nation and find freedom. i live in a little HELL on earth and this book will help other avoid tax HELL Holes like NC.

If you read this book you can avoid lexington, NC and NC and other states that allow forced annexation to turn people into tax slaves just to own a crappy home in the worth place I could find to live in.
I hate this place more than anything and people need to read this book cover to cover.

This book does a good job of explaining the property tax system and how most people value their property. The book includes examples and worksheets which can be extremely helpful when you are gathering data for your case. The main idea in this book is that your property taxes are too high because your property has not been properly recorded in the tax assessor's office. Determining this and obtaining the data suggested in this book will prove to be valuable information for most homeowners. This is a common reason used to successfully lower your property taxes. However, if this approach has not worked for you, you may want to look into my book, Lower Your Property Taxes, as I have taken a different approach.

In the late 19th century, economist and social philosopher Henry George achieved international fame by calling for the abolition of all taxation save that upon land values -- a tax reform that would reconcile the conflict between economic liberty and social justice. So persuasive were George's arguments that landed elites, desperate to protect their vested interests in unearned wealth, set out to undermine George's immense popularity.

In "The Corruption of Economics," the precise manner in which Henry George was neutralized is uncovered by professor Mason Gaffney. That manner -- which later became known as neo-classical economics -- was to corrupt economic science. How? By blurring the traditional distinction between capital and land (and hence between earned and unearned income), by glossing this blurred distinction with jargon and abstract models, and by recasting economics generally to make free-riding by landowners seem just and moral.

Unable or unwilling to address Gaffney's arguments head-on, some economists are fond of dismissing this book out of hand as nothing more than a "conspiracy theory." In reality, it's a scholarly analysis of the anti-Georgist origins of the neo-classical school of economics, and how this school made an artform out of justifying landed privilege. Every single one of its claims in that regard are supported by credible references.

"The Corruption of Economics" is a must-read for anyone who suspects there is something inherently flawed with "mainstream" economic theory -- particularly when it comes to reconciling the seeming conflict between economic liberty and social justice -- but is unsure as to what that flaw is.

Anyone who has ever spent a half a day in a university getting lectured on economics should read this book. To academics it is a must. To ordinary folks it reads like a crimi. Best insight book on the market as why economics is such a muddled science and why lawyers, historians, politicians and journalists have no clue about todays whereabouts. Or did you ever wonder why you work like a slave and get stripped down to nearly nothing by the state and its "social" agencies. Ever wondered why we face so much sprawl, poverty, blight? This book explains neatly what happened to the once grand sience of political economy and the real effects on todays world.

There is nearly as much economic inequality among brothers raised in the same home as in the general population. Further, there is almost as much economic inequality among those who score high on standardized tests as in the general population. Equalizing everyone's reading scores would not appreciably reduce the number of economic "failures." In addition, there is no evidence that school reform can substantially reduce the extent of cognitive inequality, as measured by tests of verbal fluency, reading comprehension, or mathematical skill - school resources does not have an appreciable effect on either test scores or educational attainment. Finally, people who define a good school in terms of its student body are probably wiser than those who define it in terms of its budget.

The "bottom line" is a confirmation of James Coleman's "Equality in Educational Opportunity" conclusion that school expenditures don't matter. Thus, our steadily increasing inflation-adjusted per/pupil education expenditures since then have been wasted.

Inequality : A Reassessment of the Effect of Family and Schooling in America by Christopher Jencks 1972

Leon Todd (leontodd@execpc.com from Milwaukee, WI usa , October 24, 1998

Christopher Jencks, Inequality (1972), noted that it is probably wiser to define a "good" school in terms of student body characteristics than in terms of its budget or school resources. According to Jencks, once a good school starts taking in "undesirable" students (the definition of desirable sometimes pertains to academic, social, or economic attributes), its academic standing automatically declines. He concluded that while an elementary schools' social composition had only a moderate effect on student's cognitive achievement, secondary or high school social composition had a significant effect on achievement. Jencks also concluded that school racial composition had only a small effect on black students' later occupational status. This evidence on racial composition and occupational status is far more convincing than any evidence offered to date supporting the position that expenditures or school resources influence academic achievement.

The type of friends students are likely to make, the values they are exposed to, and satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the school, are all dependent upon the character of the student body. Jencks reanalyzed Coleman's EEOS data, Equality of Educational Opportunity (1966) and also concluded that the achievement of lower class students, both black and white, was fairly strongly related to the socioeconomic level of their classmates as long as the poverty class students were in a significant minority of the school student body. This usually meant that a student's achievement was also related to the race, or more accurately the class, of his classmates, since black classmates tended to be poorer or of a lower SES classmates, and vice versa. Jencks also concluded that when the socioeconomic level of a lower class child's classmates was held constant, however, their race had no relationship to achievement.

This conclusion is consistent with Coleman's argument (1966) that school social class has an effect on academic achievement independent of the individual student's family background. Jencks reported that when race and the economic status of students within schools were controlled for, differences in school policies and resources did Not significantly affect verbal achievement. Black student achievement was found to be even less related to schools' policies and resources than white student achievement. This conclusion was inconsistent with Coleman's findings.

"Family background, "social class," and "economic status" are often used interchangeably by social scientists. This interpretation or confounding of these complex concepts often poses serious problems in terms of the comparability and interpretation of research findings. The term "social class" has been defined in a variety of ways. Disputes about the legitimacy of these term have been many and heated and in the ensuing discourse confounding and confusing.

Some scholars deny the existence of social classes in America. Jencks (1972) stated that: The term family background can itself be somewhat misleading, since differences between families derive not just from differences between neighborhoods, regions, schools, and all other experiences that are the same for children in the same family socioeconomic status. Also, the term family background has various interpretations.

By "family background," Jencks (1972) referred to all the environmental factors that make brothers and sisters more alike than random individuals. "Some of these factors are economic, while some are not." Jencks further stated that there can be great variation in "family background" among children who come from the same social or economic class.

Jencks (1972) estimated that a family's economic status probably correlates about 0.35 with children's test scores. What this means is that the test scores of children whose fathers rank in the top fifth of the occupational hierarchy will on the average be 13 to 15 points higher than children whose fathers rank in the bottom fifth. If family income is used as a measure of SES, the disparity between these two groups will be less than 13 points. Jencks further stated that class differences appear to be greatest for verbal ability and general information. Test of mathematical skills, reading comprehension, and non-verbal ability are less influenced by economic background.

Sharpe is remarkable for his breath of knowledge -- his footnotes and references are in a half dozen or more languages -- and he writes clearly and interestingly. This is not only a very fine introduction to the development of comparative religion, but one sees in the background the development of modern thought more generally.

The 19th century belief in the science of this and that -- anthropology was "the science of man," comparative religion was "the science of religion," and so forth. And they saw, not just biology, but everything through the lense of evolution. As he writes, evolution became not just a theory but a mind-set. Hence, the meaning of religion was sought in its origins and it was assumed to go through a sequence of upward phases, just as the meaning of government was sought in its origin and stages and so for other fields.

Then there is a period in which psychology and subjective experience become central -- in a reductionist and unlearned way in Freud, in a high minded way in Otto's Idea of the Holy.

These are turns in the culture at large that are reflected in how people try to understand religion and religious phenomena.

Sharpe is himself an open-minded and sensitive student of religion, and brings an honest, respectful tone to his narrative. I was sad to learn that he died a few years ago. I have read one other of his books -- he left an excellent legacy behind.

This is one of those books that, the more you know about the subject coming in, the more you learn. I had read or at least recognized a large enough minority of the figures Sharpe describes so that all the new names didn't quite overwhelm me. (It would help if he wouldn't assume his readers know all the European languages, though -- how would he like having Japanese and Chinese thrown at him in important footnotes and even the text?)

In some ways, this is a very straight-forward history of comparative religion. Sharpe begins with a few ancients, a few missionaries, and Enlightenment precursors, then plunges into early theories about fetishes, totems, animism, and the "evolution of religions" schools of the late 19th Century. His discussion of The Golden Bough, of Fraser, and all the rest of that era, is excellent. I also appreciate his fair and judicious take on Andrew Lang and the "high god" phenomena -- which confuses a lot of moderns. [...]. He takes a chapter out to describe the early psychology of religions school, centered around James and a few other Americans.

In later chapters, Sharpe veers off to discuss Freud's zany horror-flick theory of the origins of religion, and (with deservedly more respect) Jung's interest in and influence on comparative religion. He talks a bit about structuralism, diffusion of cultures, and more about phenomenology. In each case, he tells the history of the movement -- and almost always offers reasonable and temperate evaluations. He has, perhaps, learned from John Farquhar, because in some ways his approach is very like Farquhar's in The Crown of Hinduism -- he finds something of value even in conflicting takes on religion.

Sharpe knew the subject deeply. I am sure I will find this book invaluable as I continue a research project I am conducting on the relationship between Chinese philosophy and Christianity.

I do have a few criticisms. Like many autobiographies, the book sort of dies towards the end, spreading out like a river into its delta. His description of the Tokyo conference is confusing -- who said what, exactly?

I disagree with Sharpe's view that the Bible uniformly views other religions as "the work of fallen angels or other evil spirits;" and am developing a response to that view.

I also missed a few names. Where was James Legge, the single greatest Western sinologist of all times? In general, Sharpe was weak on East Asia -- he plays to his strength usually, which was India. And where were Girard or Stark? Maybe they were just acquiring fame when Sharpe wrote this book -- discussion of their ideas would have been more interesting than the in-house politics that Sharpe ends with.

All in all, though, I strongly recommend this book. Sharpe is sympathetic, kind, and wise, and I'm sure this magisterial treatment will be of help to people in many different fields.

As an estate planning attorney with over 23 years' experience, I've had a long time to review the books in my field and discern the good from the bad, the worthwhile from the worthless. Without a doubt, Ms. Choate's exhaustive review and analysis of the IRS statutes, rules, regulations, private letter rulings, and planning ideas related to IRAs and qualified plans is THE "source" not only for myself but for 1,000s of attorneys and financial planners all across the U.S.

I anxiously await each new edition, feeling secure that now I'll be up-to-date again with the latest planning ideas, tips and techniques in this area of the tax law.

Written in a down-to-earth style but with complete footnotes and citations, Ms. Choate's book is the go-to source for my questions about: what are the basic rules governing the minimum distribution payouts from retirement plans? what special options are available to a surviving spouse? what are the rollover rules? can or should the beneficiary sign a "disclaimer"? what are the Roth IRA rules? can I leave my IRA to a charity? should I name the marital or credit shelter trust as beneficiary of my client's IRA? what are the pros and cons of doing so? what are the pitfalls of naming the family trust as IRA beneficiary? what are the IRS "trust rules" to follow when naming any kind of trust as beneficiary of a qualified plan or IRA? The list goes on and on...

If you do ANY planning or advising clients in the area of naming beneficiaries of IRAs or qualified retirement plans, you simply must have a copy of this 575-page book on your bookshelf. Well worth the modest expense!

This book is, without a doubt, the single essential reference guide for financial planning, retirement planning and estate planning professionals. While written for professionals, it is accessable to non professionals as well.

If you have a question about distributions from a qualified plan or an IRA, you will find the answer here.

it is hard to sum it up. two words, buy i

it is hard to sum it up. two words, buy i

lexingtontruth.com explains how a city can annex you and double your taxes.
This book explains how to reduce you current tax burden so the city can robe you and you made still have money for food.

I was skeptical at first, thinking this book would contain the same information one always gets from the tax office, but instead I found it contained new, fresh strategies that anyone can easily follow. Simple, practical and straight forward. Worth every penny!

The real estate market is in turmoil. In the past I may not have been as concerned with maximizing tax benefits, but I am now. And the "plumbing" style charts in the book, which show cash flows, made the advice in the book very practical and easy to follow. Well done.

This book is required reading for any real estate investor. The book reveals the secrets used by the savviest investors in a clear and easy to read format. A reminder, in tough economic times, why real estate remains a source of great wealth.