Election-Period Books

Too often the political process is something that takes place far outside our own lives, which is why voters tend to be either emotional partisans of their celebrity heroes or apathetic or cynical. Frank Kelly's understanding of one very human and accessible man, Harry Truman, made me rethink what the American Presidency is about. By interweaving his own lifestory with the Truman presidency, Kelly creates an absorbing drama into which we are all swept. He sees politics not as a game, but as the means to realizing a nation's highest potential. Yes, he is an idealist, but we have too few of those. Kelly's vision of one president and his world-changing decisions is transferable to every presidency. As we prepare to elect a new man to that office, there's no more appropriate reading for us than Kelly's book.

I found the book compelling. It is a warm, human book, capturing well what seems today as the innocence of an earlier time. With touching humility, Kelly brings to life Truman's humanity and the deep sense of responsibility he felt as president to help create a truly democractic society. Kelly's many personal anecdotes and reflections take the reader back into this simpler world and helps create hope for the future of real democracy.

In all of Frank K. Kelly's books, especially this one, he writes with the objectivity of a seasoned reporter and the heart of a compassionate observer.

Truman's humanity is profoundly related to us in this carefully crafted work. We now know a softer and warmer side of Harry Truman because Kelly has been able to focus attention on a major aspect of a very complex man.

This is a report of the observations of a man who had long-term personal contact with Truman and is uniquely qualified to present a perspective of him in context with the times.

The book itself is a good read because of Kelly's story telling style and his organizational skills with regard to documenting historical information.

A local author known to me has written an engaging book. It is a beautiful testimony to the fact that politics can be about the pursuit of high ideals. Frank captures so well the interdependent dance between people, their leaders and their values. What I love most is how easily people of varying degrees of prominence move in and out of the story Frank weaves. He creates the proof that we are one wonderful human family - flaws and all!

This book is by an insider in the 1948 campaign that everyone thought that Truman would loose. Mr Kelly gained a lot of respect for Mr. Truman as an honest man in a flawed system. Truman didn't seek the presidency but was thrust into it by the death of Roosevelt. President Truman had a vision for America and America's position in the world. Special interests in Congress blocked many of Truman's dreams. Mr Kelly's later disallusionment with the Washington scene echoes the chaos we see today in Washington.

Mr. Kelly sheds light on Truman's difficult decisions to use the atom bomb, the atmosphere around Jor Mc Carthy,the Berlin Airlift, the occupation of Japan, the Korean War and many less well known actions by President Truman. This was for me the most enjoyable bok on Truman since "Plain Speaking" by Merle Miller.

Interesting to know how Congress has evolved. The book is more than just about Congress though, for Congress is a body somewhat representative of the people. So Polsby offers some interesting explanations for why the South became a Republican stronghold. Also, the various changes in leadership control is interesting and important for understanding changing dynamics in America's political system. Lots of helpful footnotes, bordering on obsenely excessive. The case studies into various personalities is really interesting: Wilbur Mills was a nut!

From the Publisher: "Nelson Polsby has been studying, reading about and hanging around the U.S. House of Representatives for more than 40 years. In "How Congress Evolves", he provides the definitive--and often witty-account of how the House has changed over time, and why." Michael Barone, coauthor, "The Almanac of American Politics"

"How Congress Evolves" is elegantly written, cogently argued, and politically astute. Nelson Polsby gives his readers the benefit of four decades and more of immersion in and observation of Congress, along with his penetrating insights into politics, people, and institutions, and a writing style that is at once accessible and sophisticated. Novices and experts, students and practitioners, scholars and journalists, all will learn immensely about how the House of Representatives works and how it changes."--Norman Ornstein, American Enterprise Institute

From the Publisher:
"How Congress Evolves" is Nelson Polsby's magnum opus. Polsby is an institution among congressional scholars and this book will be a classic work on Congress along with the writings of Woodrow Wilson and Richard Fenno. Polsby's wonderful observations from his interviews and deft use of data about stability and change in Congress combined with his humor make the book hard to put down once you start reading it. --James A. Thurber, Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies, American University

This book provides an elegant description of one of the most important transformations of American politics: the end of the Dixiecrats and the transformation of the Solid South from the Democrats to the Republicans. He importantly connects this with the rise of the power of the caucus and leadership. It also has implications for the crisis of partisanship in Congress.

The book basically concerns several interwoven phenomena, the House Democratic Caucus exerting political control on its conservative southern members and the rise of the Republican South. Polsby demonstrates how demographic and sociological phenomena weakened the grip of the South on Democratic Party machinery, pulling the Democratic Party to the left. This increased the pressure on Dixiecrats to switch parties, once it became acceptable to be a Southern Democrat.

Polsby also discusses the rise of contemporary partisanship. As the Caucus got the power to discipline its chairman, it demanded an end to bipartisanship. This weakened Republican moderates who called for cooperation and working with the Democrats. This led to the rise in power of Newt Gingrich (an Amazon reviewer!) who advocated a different strategy that eventually led to the 1994 election.

Excellent book, and excellent insights. In several ways, this book will help me do my job better as a staffer in the House of Representatives.

This is an outstanding book -- captivating, extremely well written and thoroughly researched. It's a story that George Bush and John McCain should have read before our current financial crisis set in. The parallels to today's politics are uncanny and too frequent to mention.

The book should serve as a cautionary tale for all our leaders. One of it's messages should be that taking care of the corporate fat cats at the expense of the average guy (as did Hoover as the Great Depression set in) is a sure-fire route to political oblivion. Since Mr. Ritchie is the associate historian of the U.S. Senate, I hope he's managed to get his fine book into the hands of every member of Congress.

More than anything, it's just a great story about how one of our greatest presidents came to power.

Across the decades, I've been fortunate to accumulate (and read) shelves full of books on FDR. This one, I'm recommending vigorously to all my friends. Much as people might believe they know about the issues of 1932, this book is a fact-packed booster shot that brings it all back in a thoughtful electrifying package.

Curiously enough, some of the most fascinating material is about Herbert Hoover, putting facts on long-held perceptions ... and confirming the perceptions in the process. This is the rare sort of book that when you've finished with it, you'll not only feel a little smarter; you probably will be. Excellent, accessible writing, fascinating anecdotes, just the right balance of analysis.

However, since perfection is never in the cards, there is one disconcerting feature. The footnotes appear only at the end of a paragraph. Nothing wrong with that, of course, except that virtually EVERY paragraph has a footnote. If it weren't for the fact that the book is so riveting, those footnotes could create a sense of "read by the numbers." Bothersome, yes, but compared to the book's mutliple virtues, a small annoyance. A splendid, triumphant book.

"Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932" is an unassumingly titled volume, but it's one of the best political histories I've read. Ritchie has a very pithy writing style, and the narrative sails along with ease. Though probably political liberal, Ritchie manages to present the political controversies of the time in a well-balanced manner. One of his major points is that FDR's nomination in 1932 was by no means inevitable, and he makes a good case for this view. The last fifth of the book is a tour de force of historical synthesis. He covers the lame duck period before FDR was inaugurated, then moves on to an overview of FDR's twelve years in office. Popping up and down during this whole period was Herbert Hoover, who apparently thought he could make a political comeback. He moves deftly up to the present day with an apt appraisal of FDR's legacy. Even after the election of Reagan, who mimicked FDR's style and political savvy, FDR's political legacy has remained essentially intact. It's a remarkable achievement, and this is a remarkable book.

Donald A. Ritchie's description of the 1932 Presidential race is one of an election more interesting than I had assumed. Political insiders failed to recognize the landslide the Depression would bring. Franklin Roosevelt had to survive a convention battle to receive the nomination. President Roosevelt campaigned on sometimes contradictory pledges, and main points of the New Deal were solidified only after the election.

The first quarter of the book is an excursive background covering the election of 1920 and Herbert Hoover's early career among other things. Dr. Ritchie spends comparatively many pages on President Hoover's press relations and surprisingly few on the economics of the Depression. The middle half focuses on the 1932 election. The final chapter covers Hoover's post-election attempts at collaboration, Roosevelt's presidency and later elections, and the legacy of both men.

Dr. Ritchie's writing is clear and quickly readable. The book contains both interesting antidotes and important points. It draws on a large number of sources, though many are press accounts or secondary histories.

Much has been made of the fact that 2008 is a "change" election year, a rarity in our nation's history. "Electing FDR", a terrific and revealing look at the election of 1932, is a good comparison to today...it ushered in the most profound transformations of the twentieth century, many of which are still in evidence. The passing of the baton from Herbert Hoover to Frankin Delano Roosevelt has almost no equal and author Donald Ritchie captures it wonderfully.

Ritchie begins with the reminder that on the eve of some presidential elections, national polling pronounces the race very close, only to have voters witness a landslide, as was the case in Reagan v. Carter in 1980. He then goes on to offer up a crisp and well-paced narrative, largely contrasting the personalities and views of Hoover and Roosevelt. Clearly, Ritchie sides with history as the feckless President Hoover can do no right, not only during his four years in office but for years afterward. If "pariah" could ever be used so successfully as a description of a former president, Herbert Hoover owned it and he bore that moniker for the three decades he lived after leaving the White House.

Not only is the 1932 campaign covered diligently here, but Ritchie has a flair for describing the times. Hoover's administration was truly the last one before "big government" entered the picture, never to leave again. Indeed, President Hoover long fought any attempts by the government to ease the country's financial burdens, believing that the private sector and the natural ebb and flow of the economy would, in time, correct itself. Hoover's dour personality, his bad relations with the Washington press corps and his rigidity all lead to a catastrophic failure on Hoover's part, paving the way for the New York governor to roll up his sleeves and begin to fix things.

Roosevelt, for his part, had more than a few enemies...many within his own party...who thought he was somewhat of a "dilettante". The simmering feud Roosevelt had with former governor and 1928 presidential nominee Al Smith, is one of the highlights of the book. If Hoover was colorless, Al Smith was just the opposite and Roosevelt had to negotiate a path between each of them, from time to time. One other aspect of this change election, Ritchie points out, is historic...in 1932 three out of four African-Americans cast their vote for Hoover. Four years later the same number voted in the reverse...for Roosevelt. That shift has remained true to this day, of course.

Ritchie finishes with a chapter on the ramifications of the Roosevelt presidency and the legacy that he left. That politicians of today still invoke Roosevelt's name as good and Hoover's as bad, underscores the depth of depression-turned-prosperity, which began over the course of the 1932 election cycle. "Electing FDR" is a superb book and I highly recommend it for its historical depth and its excellent narrative style.

Lenin and his Bolsheviks showed the way for a modern socialist revolution in 1917 in Russia. Sadly, the questions Lenin and the Bolsheviks asked were answered negatively in Germany in 1918-1919, when the German working masses overthrew the Kaiser and set about to take power into their hands. This discussion between the leaders of both revolutions is one of the most important in modern history. The stakes are no less than that of the survival of capitalism in the advanced countries of Europe, Japan, and North America!

The absence of a trained revolutionary party, the absence of a party with a set of democratic demands to defend the rights of Germany's peasants, and the confusions marked by the attempts to build a party in the middle of revolution itself, the conflicting changing banners of different parties, and grouping put before the working class, spelled defeat for the German workers, even though they had some of the greatest leaders in the history of our class in Karl Leibneckt and Rosa Luxemburg.
In this well noted, exquisitely glossaried, scholarly edition, the debates on strategy and tactics, on party building, and on the meaning of the struggle for power among the Bolsheviks, German Revolutionists, and the international movement are collected.

The Russian Revolution brought an end to the great slaughter we call World War I. It wasn't alone. Not only was Russia not alone, but the new Council Republic it established served as an inspiring model to the oppressed and exploited around the world.

Just a year later, the second largest imperialist power, Germany, underwent a similar revolution by the workers. Although the German Revolution represents a giant page in history, history classes in capitalist countries overlook it. How the German and Chinese Revolutions arose and how could they have kept power was -- and remains -- a major issue among those who seek to abolish oppression and exploitation once and for all.

This book is the second in a series named The Communist International in Lenin's Time.

The background to The German Revolution and the Debate on Soviet Power is the revolt that erupted in Germany as a consequence of the terrible suffering among workers and farmers during World War I. This culminated (as a similar process did in Russia the year before against the Tsar) in the overthrow of the German Kaiser in November 1918. Immediately millions of people of all social classes found themselves confronting profound political choices as to what kind of new government would best advance their interests.
The majority of leaders of the trade union and socialist movements came out in support of a coalition government with liberal elements of the capitalists. A minority of workers, looking to the Spartacist group led by Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Leibknecht and others influenced by the example of the Russian Revolution, advocated a course of fighting for a government of workers and farmers.
The revolutionary-minded workers trying to forge a new organization in the heat of this struggle made errors that ultimately contributed to their being crushed in blood-with profound consequences for decades to follow. The second part of this book shows how this debate became international in character as workers all around the world were inspired by the workers uprising in Germany and sought to contribute to their deliberations as well as understand the lessons of their fight.
The underlying differences were over reform vs. revolution. The book documents this in the exciting form of excerpts from workers' newspapers, political debates and resolutions from all sides and positions allowing the reader to make up their own mind as the historical events unfold.
It's obvious that Pathfinder's editors went to great efforts of original research, outstanding translation work, map making, preparation of enlightening photos and other editorial aids in publishing this book because they want to make this material attractive and accessible to thinking workers who want to reknit the historical continuity of our class. They certainly succeeded as far as I'm concerned. At the same time, Pathfinder demonstrates a high degree of respect and confidence in its readers' abilities to make up our own minds and draw the necessary conclusions in the objective way they present all sides of this vital debate for our consideration.

The background to The German Revolution and the Debate on Soviet Power is the revolt that erupted in Germany as a consequence of the terrible suffering among workers and farmers during World War I. This culminated (as a similar process did in Russia the year before against the Tsar) in the overthrow of the German Kaiser in November 1918. Immediately millions of people of all social classes found themselves confronting profound political choices as to what kind of new government would best advance their interests.
The majority of leaders of the trade union and socialist movements came out in support of a coalition government with liberal elements of the capitalists. A minority of workers, looking to the Spartacist group led by Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Leibknecht and others influenced by the example of the Russian Revolution, advocated a course of fighting for a government of workers and farmers.
The revolutionary-minded workers trying to forge a new organization in the heat of this struggle made errors that ultimately contributed to their being crushed in blood--with profound consequences for decades to follow. The second part of this book shows how this debate became international in character as workers all around the world were inspired by the workers uprising in Germany and sought to contribute to their deliberations as well as understand the lessons of their fight.
The underlying differences were over reform vs. revolution. The book documents this in the exciting form of excerpts from workers' newspapers, political debates and resolutions from all sides and positions allowing the reader to make up their own mind as the historical events unfold.
It's obvious that Pathfinder's editors went to great efforts of original research, outstanding translation work, map making, preparation of enlightening photos and other editorial aids in publishing this book because they want to make this material attractive and accessible to thinking workers who want to reknit the historical continuity of our class. They certainly succeeded as far as I'm concerned. At the same time, Pathfinder demonstrates a high degree of respect and confidence in its readers' abilities to make up our own minds and draw the necessary conclusions in the objective way they present all sides of this vital debate for our consideration.

For anyone looking to understand the 20th Century this book is critical reading. It tells the untold story of the German revolution of 1918, the revolt of the German people against their own government during the First World War. How that revolution developed and it's decline. What makes this work unique it that it is told through the writings and speeches of key players in that revolt and events surrounding it. The struggle to forge a leadership of the revolution which would not stop half way is a key theme of the book. Here we can read for ourselves Rosa Luxembourg, Trotsky and Lenin as well as many others as they work out the battles of the day. The book is critical for understanding WWI. I highly recommend it.

This is an extremely insightful examination of the election that first put Grover Cleveland in the White House. The ways in which Summers analyzes the political process remind me of Holt's masterpiece, "The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party". (That is a much more massive book, as it covers a broader topic over a longer period). The use of political cartoons of the period to support the narrative is probably the best I've seen. The style is engaging, although occasionally I think Summers gets slightly carried away. For example, at least one discussion of the standard myths about the period goes on long enough to be somewhat disruptive. Also, while I don't detect any factual bias, there is a tendency to look at things more a Republican perspective. That is, issues (e.g., the role of the minor parties) are more often discussed in terms of problems facing the GOP and how well they did or did not deal with them. The outcome of the election is reported in language that seems rather wistful that Blaine lost. Again, this is only a matter of relative emphasis - there is excellent material on the complex relations between the Democrats at the national and state levels and the rival Democratic machines in New York City. Despite my minor quibbles, I highly recommend this book to anyone with a general interest in American political history, and it certainly must be read by anyone with a particular interest in this period.

The last half of the 19th century is a period that the historians generally give short shrift to. They dutifully plow through it in the obligatory chapter in their rush to get from the Civil War to Teddy Roosevelt, Wilson, and the Progressive Era. The campaign of Grover Cleveland against James Blaine for the presidency in 1884 is just about forgotten. This is too bad because what with the emphasis on character and values (accompanied by some really gross mudslinging), the extensive changes in technology and business, the factionalism and divided government, it was a period much like ours. Summers does an excellent job of dispelling the prevailing view of this period as a doldrum bookended by Lincoln and TR. In a comprehensive yet not overly long book, he shows that substantive issues like the tariff, the relationship of the national government to the states, morality in politics, substance abuse (ie prohibition), and other pressing matters really were at stake, he explores those issues and the men and women who had to face them. This book is one of the best treatments of the 1884 presidential campaign (or any other campaign for that matter) out there. Find a copy of this book and read about a time that is so much like ours.

As an undergraduate at the University of Kentucky some years ago, Professor Mark Summers changed my life and I eventually devoted my life to the study of history. His lectures made the past come alive and seem so fresh and real and vital. Anyone who has read any of his books can relate to the sense of excitement that I am describing, and his latest book is no exception. In fact, it is perhaps his best book yet. Lively, fast-paced, yet scholarly and thought-provoking, Summers' book is everything that his readers have come to expect. I would highly recommend this book to anyone interested in nineteenth-century politics or U.S. history in general, or for those who consider history dry and boring and would like read a book where the past truly does come to life.

Anyone interested in politics or American history should love this book. The writing style is crisp and entertaining and the author strikes the right balance between explaining long ago and long forgotten events without drowning the reader in unnecesary details. The 1884 election itself was one of the most interesting of our history with sex scandals, charges of political corruption, party splits, and campaign blunders. The author brings the excitement to life and lets the reader understand not only what happened but why it occured and, even more interesting, what the participants had hoped to accomplish with their political strategies. The book succeeds in describing how late 19th century elections looked and felt to the participants. The human dynamic skillfully set out in this book (the cynical maneuverings, the overheated rhetoric, and the intense partisanship)are very familiar with what we experience in campaigns today-this very familiarity helps make Blaine and Cleveland seem real and not just sterile historical figures. Read this book!

Mark Summers is one of the great historians of mid-nineteenth century America. He is fully capable of taking subjects which have seemingly been worked to death and making them fresh with new material and original analysis. Rum Romanism and Rebellion does just that, making Blaine and Cleveland seem more vital and alive than the current occupants of the White House. The issues engage us, the political battle grips us. This is one of the author's best (to my mind, Mr. Summers best work is his two volume work on political corruption [neatly divided between ante-bellum crooks and post-war thieves]; let's hope that Mr. Summers has a trilogy in mind and next turns his attention to wartime corruption: from the transcontinental railroad to the supply of Union soldiers and the appointment of generals, that era was rife with corruption, yet very little has ever been written about it). Well done, Mr. Summers!

Packaging the presidency is the most complete and accurate book about presidential advertising and communication of the period ending with the 1992 presidential election. Sometimes humorous, sometimes cynical, Kathleen Jamieson takes us in a travel back in time within the intricacies of political communication strategies. This is the best book that I have ever read on this subject. This book was recommended to me by another Presidency specialist, Stephen J. Wayne, when I was studying at Georgetown: this book is really a must read! Thanks Kathleen and thanks Professor Wayne.

This book is probably the msot thoughful about presidential campaign advertising. You read it like a novel!

Jamison has successfully covered the intricasies of presidential campaign advertising from the beginning of the Republic up to the 1992 campaign. A well organized and thoughtful book that is easy to read.

I was required to read this book for a course and was my first experience with Kathleen Hall Jamieson and I am now one of her biggest fans.

She provides thoughtful, non-partisan analysis (rare in this age of personal commentary) of political advertisements. She discusses what worked, what didn't and why in a clear, thought-provoking yet easy to read manner.

Some of her best work. If you are interested in advertising or politics this book is a must have.

This book is about the founding of an international revolutionary workers organization after the triumphant revolution
that resulted in the world's first workers' republic: Soviet Russia. The delegates' reports about the revolutionary events in
their countries, inspired by the workers' and peasants victory in Russia--in Finland, in Hungary, in Germany--read like a
novel. The reports by the leaders of the Russian Revolution to the assembled delegates of the founding congress of the
Communist International speak clearly to us today, to those who want to act for fundamental social change, about how
capitalism and imperialism can't be reformed or tamed into 'peace' but only make perpetual war for perpetual profits;
about the need to look at the world as part of the international working class with interests in common across national
boundaries (not whine about 'our government' doing terrible things that 'we' must feel guilty about and vote in some other
criminal 'cause he/she is a Democrat and his/her wars will b
e 'nicer'), and maybe most important of all: the Bolshevik leaders explain about workers' democracy, like they had in
Soviet Russia then, before it was rubbed out by Stalin-who was NOT any kind of communist- they explain about
workers' democracy, like what workers have in Cuba to this day, which is the 'dictatorship' of the overwhelming majority,
just like capitalist 'democracy ' is really the dictatorship of the billionaires. If this sounds to you anything like answers we
need for today's world and what to do about it, then you are on the side of humanity against the side of the gods profit
and dollar.And you need to check this book out.
.........................

Part of the well-researched series "The Communist International in Lenin's Time," this book contains the original manifestos, articles, documents and transcribed speeches that define the first congress of the Third (Communist) International in Moscow in 1919.

Inspired by the achievements of the workers and peasants in Russia under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, 51 workers' leaders representing 35 revolutionary organizations in 22 countries gathered in Moscow to launch a new world leadership organization to unite the toilers internationally.

These were fighters, striving to come together in order to strengthen one another's struggles against the capitalists and landlords in their home countries. They looked to the Bolsheviks as uncorrupted exemplars of the working people, courageous warriors of the oppressed. They sought to learn from the Bolsheviks how to accomplish in their own countries what had been achieved in Russia, that is, the destruction of the regime of the exploiters.

They launched a new international workers' organization which lasted for about six years before succumbing to the paralyzing effects of the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian revolution. But those six years saw the working out of a new form of revolutionary political activity which still stands as the model for the present generation of anti-capitalist fighters to absorb and emulate. The first four congresses of the Communist International were the revolutionary congresses, and subsequent volumes in this series continue the presentation of the original documents from those gatherings.

The task documented in this book is to form an international organization based on revolutionary, working-class parties; the goal is to replace the rule of imperialist war and slaughter with the rule of working-class solidarity. The task and the goal are paramount for humanity today as they were in1919 when the Russian Communist Party initiated this project after breaking the stranglehold of the Russian czars and forcing an end to the horror of World War I. Lenin, Trotsky and fifty other representatives from twenty-two states converged to launch the communist international. Their words, recorded in this well-annotated book, are totally relevant to today's young antiwar fighters.

How Abraham Lincoln Beat the Odds to Win the 1860 Republican Nomination?

Does the Great Comeback answer this Question? This work is a very pleasing narrative about Lincoln's life from his losing to Stephen A. Douglas in 1858 for the Illinois Senate Race up to his nomination for the Republican Party nominee for President of the United States in 1860. Who organized the Lincoln Campaign? How was Abraham Lincoln sold to the public? How did Lincoln depict himself to the public and how did he want to be perceived? Lincoln was a successful criminal lawyer. Lincoln also made public speeches for fee. It is the latter that he used to sell himself. Lincoln argued against the expansion of Slavery to other territories. The front runner, for the Republican nomination, Seward was an abolitionist. Lincoln speeches did not argue against Seward's position but Douglas' position on popular sovereignty. Douglas the eventual Democratic nominee only was the likely nominee when Lincoln campaign for the nomination. Lincoln also made a speech about the poor economics of slave labor as oppose to free labor. These speeches were made in several states up north and one in the Kansas territory. These speeches were published in several newspapers outside Illinois and the geographic area made including the southern states.

To a lesser extent except convention week, the book deals with inside politics: The organizing of campaign workers and delegates. There is some discussion of how Lincoln tried to keep himself above the fray between egos in the party. Important items were getting the convention to be held in Chicago. Which was important that popular support of the area could come to their aid? The placement where delegates were sitted: limit Seward's New York handler's ability to cajole delegates. Lincoln's handlers had negotiations between the State delegations that eventually gave Lincoln the nomination on the Third ballot. This book will bring some insight to the United States chose their leader who eventually led the Union.

Gary Ecelbarger brings alive a fascinating little-studied chapter in Lincoln's much-documented life: the 16 months from January 1859, following his devastating senate loss to Stephen Douglas, to May 18, 1860 when he emerged from a field of popular front-runners to capture the Republican Party nomination and set the scene for his election to the presidency. This is an engrossing book -- and an especially timely one during this election year and the Lincoln Bicentennial. I highly recommend it.

This is a unique look at Lincoln, one that shows us how he took his first steps to becoming president, how he turned his career around, how he rose from dark horse candidate to the presidential nominations. It also provides a great look at "back room" politics of the time. A new and often overlooked chapter in the history of this legendary president!

This impressive collection of resolutions, reports and discussion transcripts captures the flavor of the Second World Congress of the Communist International, as was as giving a nearly complete documentary record of the proceedings. The two-volume work, with over 1,000 pages, part of the "Communist International in Lenin's Time" series, is the product of a large international team of researchers, translators and editors working under the direction of Pathfinder Press. The extensive Notes section, together with the carefully-prepared Introduction, Glossary, Chronology and Index, helps to orient the reader as to time and place, provides a solid grounding in the facts, and answers every question that might arise in the course of reading the book.

The Russian Revolution of November 1917 was an immense upheaval in a massive empire bordering on many countries of Europe and Asia. The impact of the Russian events flowed outward across the borders and soon began to be absorbed by millions of workers and peasants throughout the world. These masses learned that in Russia a party of revolutionaries had organized the poor and downtrodden to take over the country. The wealthy aristocratic landowners had been driven out by peasants with pitchforks in hand. The capitalist factory owners and bankers had been forthrightly stripped of all their financial and industrial property, ousted from their exalted status, and the employees had begun the process of organizing production in collaboration with a government that represented their interests: a government of workers and farmers.

What was the Communist International? Launched in the spring of 1919 by the Soviet Communist party, together with their comrades in other countries, it fulfilled the need felt by those millions of toilers to come close to this powerful new revolution, to learn about it, to emulate it, and to do in their countries what had been done in Russia. Further, it fulfilled the need of the Russian working people themselves to help to promote and organize world solidarity with the Russian Revolution. Only with this solidarity could the new proletarian regime survive the crippling onslaught of the armies of U.S. and European capitalism, in 1919 and 1920. The Soviet Communists, guided principally by Lenin, organized the Communist International to build leadership on a world scale to respond to these needs.

The Second World Congress, held in Petrograd and Moscow in the summer of 1920, brought together some 218 representatives of revolutionary organizations from 37 countries. There they engaged in over 3 weeks of intense political discussion, debate and decision-making. The fundamental slogan of the Congress: "Workers of the World and Oppressed Peoples, Unite!" encapsulates one of the central themes delegates struggled with: how to unify the workers movements in all countries with the masses of agrarian toilers; how to bring together the oppressed nations, struggling to achieve national liberation, with the workers movements in the capitalistically-developed countries. Other critical debates revolved around the nature of communist parties, their political program and organizational principles; the differences between the new communist movements and the now-discredited Socialist parties; and the relations between political parties of the working class and the trade unions. These discussions provide lessons that remain critical for fighting workers and farmers in today's world - a world full of promise for a new rebirth of genuine communism.

This impressive collection of resolutions, reports and discussion transcripts captures the flavor of the Second World Congress of the Communist International, as was as giving a nearly complete documentary record of the proceedings. The two-volume work, with over 1,000 pages, part of the "Communist International in Lenin's Time" series, is the product of a large international team of researchers, translators and editors working under the direction of Pathfinder Press. The extensive Notes section, together with the carefully-prepared Introduction, Glossary, Chronology and Index, helps to orient the reader as to time and place, provides a solid grounding in the facts, and answers every question that might arise in the course of reading the book.

The Russian Revolution of November 1917 was an immense upheaval in a massive empire bordering on many countries of Europe and Asia. The impact of the Russian events flowed outward across the borders and soon began to be absorbed by millions of workers and peasants throughout the world. These masses learned that in Russia a party of revolutionaries had organized the poor and downtrodden to take over the country. The wealthy aristocratic landowners had been driven out by peasants with pitchforks in hand. The capitalist factory owners and bankers had been forthrightly stripped of all their financial and industrial property, ousted from their exalted status, and the employees had begun the process of organizing production in collaboration with a government that represented their interests: a government of workers and farmers.

What was the Communist International? Launched in the spring of 1919 by the Soviet Communist party, together with their comrades in other countries, it fulfilled the need felt by those millions of toilers to come close to this powerful new revolution, to learn about it, to emulate it, and to do in their countries what had been done in Russia. Further, it fulfilled the need of the Russian working people themselves to help to promote and organize world solidarity with the Russian Revolution. Only with this solidarity could the new proletarian regime survive the crippling onslaught of the armies of U.S. and European capitalism, in 1919 and 1920. The Soviet Communists, guided principally by Lenin, organized the Communist International to build leadership on a world scale to respond to these needs.

The Second World Congress, held in Petrograd and Moscow in the summer of 1920, brought together some 218 representatives of revolutionary organizations from 37 countries. There they engaged in over 3 weeks of intense political discussion, debate and decision-making. The fundamental slogan of the Congress: "Workers of the World and Oppressed Peoples, Unite!" encapsulates one of the central themes delegates struggled with: how to unify the workers movements in all countries with the masses of agrarian toilers; how to bring together the oppressed nations, struggling to achieve national liberation, with the workers movements in the capitalistically-developed countries. Other critical debates revolved around the nature of communist parties, their political program and organizational principles; the differences between the new communist movements and the now-discredited Socialist parties; and the relations between political parties of the working class and the trade unions. These discussions provide lessons that remain critical for fighting workers and farmers in today's world - a world full of promise for a new rebirth of genuine communism.

This impressive collection of resolutions, reports and discussion transcripts captures the flavor of the Second World Congress of the Communist International, as was as giving a nearly complete documentary record of the proceedings. The two-volume work, with over 1,000 pages, part of the "Communist International in Lenin's Time" series, is the product of a large international team of researchers, translators and editors working under the direction of Pathfinder Press. The extensive Notes section, together with the carefully-prepared Introduction, Glossary, Chronology and Index, helps to orient the reader as to time and place, provides a solid grounding in the facts, and answers every question that might arise in the course of reading the book.

The Russian Revolution of November 1917 was an immense upheaval in a massive empire bordering on many countries of Europe and Asia. The impact of the Russian events flowed outward across the borders and soon began to be absorbed by millions of workers and peasants throughout the world. These masses learned that in Russia a party of revolutionaries had organized the poor and downtrodden to take over the country. The wealthy aristocratic landowners had been driven out by peasants with pitchforks in hand. The capitalist factory owners and bankers had been forthrightly stripped of all their financial and industrial property, ousted from their exalted status, and the employees had begun the process of organizing production in collaboration with a government that represented their interests: a government of workers and farmers.

What was the Communist International? Launched in the spring of 1919 by the Soviet Communist party, together with their comrades in other countries, it fulfilled the need felt by those millions of toilers to come close to this powerful new revolution, to learn about it, to emulate it, and to do in their countries what had been done in Russia. Further, it fulfilled the need of the Russian working people themselves to help to promote and organize world solidarity with the Russian Revolution. Only with this solidarity could the new proletarian regime survive the crippling onslaught of the armies of U.S. and European capitalism, in 1919 and 1920. The Soviet Communists, guided principally by Lenin, organized the Communist International to build leadership on a world scale to respond to these needs.

The Second World Congress, held in Petrograd and Moscow in the summer of 1920, brought together some 218 representatives of revolutionary organizations from 37 countries. There they engaged in over 3 weeks of intense political discussion, debate and decision-making. The fundamental slogan of the Congress: "Workers of the World and Oppressed Peoples, Unite!" encapsulates one of the central themes delegates struggled with: how to unify the workers movements in all countries with the masses of agrarian toilers; how to bring together the oppressed nations, struggling to achieve national liberation, with the workers movements in the capitalistically-developed countries. Other critical debates revolved around the nature of communist parties, their political program and organizational principles; the differences between the new communist movements and the now-discredited Socialist parties; and the relations between political parties of the working class and the trade unions. These discussions provide lessons that remain critical for fighting workers and farmers in today's world - a world full of promise for a new rebirth of genuine communism.

This extraordinary book is the most important book on women and congressional elections ever published. No other scholars have taken such a detailed and longitudinal look at women's fortunes running for the U.S. Congress and have posed so many essential, timely and important questions all in one place. This book is extremely well written and will be of interest to practitioners and academics alike.

The book is remarkable in a number of ways. First, Palmer and Simon's emphasis on the different campaign experiences of Democratic and Republican women running for Congress is long overdue and much needed. Second, their investigation of primary elections is key. By looking at women's experiences in both the primary and general elections, Palmer and Simon fill an important gap and are sure to spawn a great deal of additional research. Finally, their analysis of woman-against-woman races and their conclusion that female incumbents tend to stimulate female competition is quite astute. They quite convincingly demonstrate that female incumbents are perceived as being weaker than they really are, both by the opposing party and by potential challengers within their own party. This finding is important because it underscores just how uneven the playing field is for female politicians.

Palmer and Simon have set a new standard for scholarship on women running for Congress with this book. A must read!

This book presents the most comprehensive data to date about women running for political office in the United States. This is a must-read not only for political science types, but also for the average person interested in women and politics. Palmer and Simon did a great job combining statistics and analysis with personal anecdotes that make the material personal and meaningful. Hopefully, women reading this book will find motivation to take steps to run for office themselves and help this country achieve electoral equality. 51% of the population, 14% of the representation is not enough.