Economic-union Books

Clearly not intended for the merely casual reader, this volume presents eleven deadly-serious essays that apply modern analytical methods to issues and problems facing the Greek Nation and State, with a view toward indicating what seems to be working and what needs adjusting. The fields covered are politics, foreign relations, economics, sociology, and change in all of these areas. Some essays require a high level of competence in the methodology of the given area; others are more immediately accessible even to the informed layman. One discusses the contributions to nation building made by the Orthodox Church since the early 19th Century and points out some changes that might be made in the Church's relations with government and society at this point in history. Another speaks to Greek attitudes toward making a living and contributing to the common economic good (problems here). There is also an extremely intelligent feminist article that examines the glass ceiling phenomenon in the Greek setting, particularly in the labor force and politics. The writer, Nota Kyriazis, points out that de jure equality...does not automatically produce a real improvement in women's status because attitudes and behaviors tend to remain tied to tradition and resistant to change. As indicated, all these essays are serious and scholarly. Everyone who still has some hope for our collective human future and the Greek stake in such a future should read at least some of them. The quality of analysis and writing is consistent throughout -- uniformly high.

If you want a book on the breakdown of eastern europe's poverty issues, this is the one to buy. Provides a lot of info and stats on each country.

A Hard Man to Beat was a story told to Howard White (no relation) by Bill White, former president of the Marine Workers and Boilermakers Union. Bill brought about many changes that made such a difference to the "little guy", or "the working stiff" as Bill referred to his colleagues. He speaks the truth and tells what happened without trying to polish up the story to make it politically correct. The book was reviewed by many TV and radio stations after it was published and was ordered by an Ontario University to use in its Political Science classes. A good read and one that will make you look at modern day politicians in a new light.

Bruce E. Field's Harvest of Dissent: The National Farmers Union and the Early Cold War illustrates the consequences of denouncing American foreign policy in the years following WWII.

The National Farmers Union questioned the ability of the United States to establish world hegemony, and argued for international cooperation to address issues of worldwide poverty and self-determination. The Truman administration chose instead to view the world as a playing field upon which the competing interests of the United States and the Soviet Union vied for domination. As advocates of international cooperation through the United Nations, the National Farmers Union dissented from the unilateral and aggressive actions of Truman's foreign policy. Instead of being perceived as representing a legitimate divergent view of how U.S. foreign policy might be better conducted, the organization became the target for suppressive criticism and unsubstantiated claims of Communist infiltration by the FBI, the State Department, and the House Un-American Activities Committee.

As the Cold War intensified into the Korean War, the National Farmers Union faced the dilemma of whether to continue their opposition to American foreign policy or, conversely, to align itself within the prevailing American attitude of consensus. Organizational leaders differed as to the best path. Field follows the inner politics of the National Farmers Union as national president Jim Patton led the effort to purge the vocal critics of the Truman administration. Patton moved in this direction after he decided the group needed to support the U.S. Korean War effort in order to survive. His Machiavellian machinations successfully removed the loudest and most influential of the dissenters, including Fred Stover.

Field presents an interesting dichotomy of dissent. On one side, Jim Patton and the National Farmer's Union, after an early period of dissent, tried to maintain influence during the growing Red Scare by adopting a posture supportive of the U.S. Korean War effort. While on the other side, Fred Stover continued his dissent during the Korean War by refusing to temper his condemnation of an aggressive American foreign policy that he believed played a role in provoking and escalating the Cold War. The irony of Field's dichotomy lay in the fact that both Jim Patton and Fred Stover achieved about the same impact. As critics, at one time or another, they were disloyal, untrustworthy, and hence, marginalized in the post World War II political climate. Field shows that the 'harvest of dissent' for the National Farmers Union, Jim Patton, and Fred Stover failed to reap a fundamental examination of the assumptions of American Cold War foreign policy.

I recommend the book as important in revealing the role the climate of consensus played in limiting debate during the early years of the Cold War. Field provides a telling example of exactly how government pressure limited dissent and the exploration of alternatives to fighting the Cold War.

I wrote the introduction to this history/memoir and I'd like to make one "correction." As a unionist and leftist, I wanted make clear the organic role played by the American Communist Party and by such stirling Communists as Wyndam Mortimer in the very early days of the CIO and the UAW. But Henry Kraus was clearly ambivalent about such relevations, even 60 and 70 years after. So in the text, such political candor is muted, and even in the introduction, I acquiesced to the author and dropped a reference to Wyndam Mortimer, who was Kraus' mentor, as a "pioneer Communist." I felt conflicted at the time, and this historiographic thorn has never ceased to irritate, so this note corrects part of the record. I should add, that the book is otherwise excellent and offers a real feel for the internal UAW politics of the 1930s.

Nelson Lichtenstein Professor of History University of Virginia

I am building a collection of all of Mr. Foner's works. I realize that there is a controversy surrounding Mr. Foner just as there is surrounding all pro-labor historians and journalists. Mr. Foner supplies a link to the labor movement in America that I have not been able to find anywhere else. The history in this area is lacking considerably, but I find Mr. Foner to be a breath of fresh air. He is exhaustive and detailed. He gives episodes in labor history that are not mentioned anywhere that I have searched. I feel that if I am able to read all of Mr. Foner's works, I will have gotten myself an education, like nothing I could have gotten elsewhere. I am truly gratful for the efforts of men like Mr. Philip Foner. Thank you Sir.

Books written by Richard Noble - The Hobo Philosopher:
"Hobo-ing America: A Workingman's Tour of the U.S.A.."
"A Summer with Charlie"
"A Little Something: Poetry and Prose"
"Honor Thy Father and Thy Mother"
"The Eastpointer" Selections from award winning column.

I found it very good and interesting Very useful for research, particularly printing trade unionism during a very fractious time for unions of any nature. This one being in the forefront of battling a hostile government.

This was great. Unions have lost a lot of power but without them where would we be today.

If you are begining to learn about the labor world, this is the perfect book to start out with. It gives you a broad overview of many topics and ways of labor unions.

18 CASE STUDIES TRACKED OVER A PERIOD OF 10 YEARS TO ANALYSE HOW DEGREE OF MARKET COMPETITION INFLUENCES COUNTERVAILING POWER OF INSTITUTIONS. THE ONLY WORK OF ITS KIND TO DATE