Current-order Books

A paperback book that costs $800!!?!?!? Seems that in itself must be a conspiracy. What do you think?

No matter which way you *try* to slice it, no matter which way you try and argue otherwise, this *IS* how the world is run. From being a total right-wing cynic, I've went through the centre ground to the "far left", and beyond, upon close examination of world events since 9/11, and this is the most concise collection of proofs I have been able to find that explains the who, what and WHY of current world events and the seemingly unstoppable drive to more conflict in the Middle East, and possibly (probably?) beyond.

This is definitive proof that political ideologies are nothing more than smoke and mirrors to occupy and distract the masses, while the "elite" follow the pure and undiluted ideology of pure money. Read this and forget Left, Right or Centre in any political considerations, and see how society has been hijacked to such an extent that the only possible solution is to dismantle the system and start all over again - if only that were possible. Sadly, it's not; society is so divided that it's difficult enough to get 2 people to agree on what has just happened on the TV screen in front of them. Try to convince anyone you know of the facts in this book and you will soon see the proof you need of how effective the mass hypnosis has become.

I've spent a long time verifying David Allen Rivera's facts, and apart from minor mistakes in translation or interpretation, I could find very little wrong. This could and should be the most important book ever written, and the fact that it isn't, considering the content and it's accuracy, is testimony in itself to the *REAL* truth.

Read it and weep. Literally .. !! I did.

NB. Don't confuse this "conspiracy theory" with some of the false "conspiracy theory" peddled by misinformation artists like David Icke, who trys to associate "the Illuminati" with shape shifting reptiles. Use your common sense and what is feasible, and what is not, will be clear enough.

(If can be found online at http://www.the7thfire.com/new_world_order/final_warning/final_warning_table_of_contents.htm and various othe places. A search in Google will reveal plenty.)

I began researching this book in 1978 because I didn't believe the implications being made by a national speaker at that time. The further I got, I realized that there was something going on behind the scenes. I wanted to put together a complete picture of the Master Conspiracy so that this book would be a good introduction to the birth, history and background of The New World Order. In addition, I have tied this information to the Biblical endtime prophecies of Daniel, Ezekiel and Revelation. No other book available today will give you as much information about the Illuminati conspiracy as this one will. It is the definitive reference work on the subject, and you will not be disappointed.

This book gives massive information on the path of the new world order. If you are familiar with David Smith's Newswatch Magazine, Alex Jones, or the John Birch Society, some of this will be familiar. But Rivera goes very deep with almost 400 references exposing the plots and sub-plots of American traiters and international bankers such as: the Federal Reserve, the Council on Foreign Relations, Communism, Liberalism, Socialism, The Trilateral Commission, Regional Government, One World Government, the AIDS consipracy, FEMA and FEMA camps, and the conspiracy against God. This is essential for all true conservatives and God fearing/loving/believing people, Christian and non-Christian alike. This book truly is the 'red pill' from 'The Matrix'. Good job David! God bless you!!

Don't waste your money on this stinker. It's a 226 page anti-America rant. The author take several of the darker episodes of the last 500 years of history, then throws in a few out of context quotes, and from these selected events and quotes draws a series of rather broad and ridiculous anti-America generalizations. The book reads more like leftist propoganda than like a serious attempt at interpretive history.

This is a devastating, crushing, sour, undeniable and sarcastic criticism of human race using example of conquest, colonization, wars and genocides that happened in South and North Americas.
I gobbled it down in two sessions. Truly embarrassing and depressing. Shame on you, long time gone Britons and Spaniards particularly, though author emphasizes that any nation, tribe or society is capable and willing to behave the same way when given a chance. Highly recommended - read it first, then go for "The Shock Doctrine" by Noami Klein and "Collapse" by Jared Diamond.

Excellent view of us from an outsider (Canadian). Not just the recent history, but all the way back to the Spanish conquest of Incas, Aztecs, etc. and its effect on us today. Also great review of our treatment of the Indians from the Puritan times forward.

Ronald Wright's A SHORT HISTORY OF PROGRESS and his devastating STOLEN CONTINENTS are books that every thoughtful person should read. In many ways WHAT IS AMERICA? is a rehash of the other two. The new material does not reach the high standard of his previous writings. You will learn more about "what America is" in Joe Bageant's DEER HUNTING WITH JESUS.

A must have for anyone doing business in China or one just interested in the world economy.

China may be the United States' "strategic rival," but Kang prefers to examine East Asia's political forces from a non-realist point of view. In other words, Kang argues that the region's countries are accommodating - rather than balancing - China's economic, military, and political rise. This is a refreshing theoretical perspective in a time when realism appears to be the norm.

My only complaint with Kang's book is that it's riddled with grammatical and spelling errors. This is simply unacceptable for an academic publication, and it makes me think that Kang was eager to have his book published as soon as possible.

However, Kang's ideas are presented logically and are expressed well, making "China Rising" an enjoyable read for anyone who's interested in the political economy of East Asia.

The book offers a different and intriguing take on the democratic peace controversy, arguing that much of the correlation between democracy and peace in international politics can be explained by peace facilitating democracy. For example, the oldest and most stable democracies, such as America, Britain, and Switzerland, were able to carve out a zone of relative peace and safety for themselves denied to most states situated in vulnerable positions on the plains of Europe and Asia. Vulnerable states were much more apt to succumb to authoritarianism in order to cope with their situation. After World War Two, stable democracy spread to many other states only because an American-led structure of security and trade (the "Pax Americana") came to dominate the international system.

The book is well-written and provides an effective critique of some ambitious contemporary claims that the spread of democracy will in itself end all war. Still, one wonders how powerful the author's central claim - that peace is a major factor in facilitating democracy - holds across the universe of cases in international politics. The author admits that the modern state of Israel is a significant exception to the rule, and there is little in the way of detailed examination of developing states and how they effect the thesis.

Overall, the book is very interesting, though possibly too ambitious. There is a chapter posted on the book's official website, if you'd like a sample before you buy it.

International Order and Individual Liberty offers a critical examination of one of the most popular ideas among contemporary political scientists: that "democracies do not go to war with one another." According to the school of the "democratic peace," the long peace between democratic states since 1945 has demonstrated that democratic norms and institutions help states in the international system transcend traditional concerns about power-seeking and security, allowing for the possibility of a "perpetual peace" between democratic states.
However, there is another explanation for the long peace between democracies: reverse causation. That is, the current peaceful international order (created by such factors as U.S. hegemony, the solidification of borders, economic growth, and the nuclear revolution) has made it possible for liberal democracy to flourish in many countries which have found it difficult or impossible to build and maintain free institutions in previous eras of international violence and instability. Only states which are relatively secure -- politically, militarily, economically -- can afford to have free, pluralistic societies; in the absence of this security, states are much more likely to adopt, maintain, or revert to centralized, coercive authority structures.
The book outlines in detail the alternative theoretical perspective of peace facilitating democracy, and applies this theoretical perspective to a number of historical case studies. The case studies include an examination of the American Revolution, French Revolution, the development of Germany in the late nineteenth/early twentieth centuries, and modern Israel. The book concludes with an overall analysis of the nature and causes of the contemporary peace between democracies, and the implications for U.S. foreign policy.

Arnold presents an objective, informative view of Libya that exposes some of the myths and racist portrayals of Libya and President Gaddafi that is so favored in America. An Arab and Muslim desert country of a mere 4 million people that is demonized as a threat to the 270-million people in the world's only super power is brought to life, and Libya's struggle against such overhelming odds provides interesting reading.

It is sad to see the west ganging on such country that is full of uniqueness. A new refreshing point of view that this book has which may have a positive influence on the North American readers. To build a bridge of communication between the west and the intellectual capital of Libya, the country would have to be given a chance to prove its ability to be more communicative.

De Jasay's book does an excellent job punctuating the arguments typically used to justify the state. He shows the absurdity of contractariansim (if the state is necessary to enforce contracts, then how did the state make a contract with the people for its establishment?). His essay "Is Limited Government Possible?" is an excellent tonic for those libertarians who feel that the state can be effectively constrained by a constitution. In addition to the problem of enforcement, de Jasay highlights the disturbing tendency of the state to expand indefinitely as an increasingly smaller majority is necessary to exploit an increasingly larger minority (culminating in democracy where a coalition of 50+1 gets to exploit the remaining 49.9). He also demonstrates the flaws of adopting loose limitations on government action (for instance, if governement is supposed to promote fairness, who defines "fairness"?) The second part of the book highlights the functioning of social institutions and conventions that existed prior to governement and evolved independently of the state, strengthening the conclusion that people can lead peaceful, fulfilling lives without the state. I would have given this book five stars, except that it suffers from the same defect as most treatises of academic philosophy in that his writing style is often a bit dry.

With the exception of a few interpretations given to U.S. foreign policy and few opinions on where it should be going,this book hits the mark.Everything from enviromentalism to South Africa is touched upon. There's a category of essays about each inhabited continent, often with authors actually originating from the country they're writing about. While some light is shed on what the New World Order means for countries under that order,there's not much room for detail, considering the range of topics.Anyone who wants a good overall view of what's happening in the world around them should read this;this will help a lot.

Is this the Pacific Century? This is the primary question addressed by the book. It looks at the economies of the major Asian countries, and their prospects for sustained growth. Unsurprisingly, China, India and Japan are surveyed. A pertinent chapter looks at China, and the fears that its spectacular growth have stirred in neighbours. Jia Qingguo argues that China's rise is basically peaceful, and that China supports international cooperation. Examples cited include anti-terrorism, where China has made common cause with the US and Russia against Islamist fundamentalism.

Another chapter worth reading goes into India's situation. Arguing that India and the US might be natural allies. Especially if India continues to grow strongly. Though this begs the question of an alliance against which other countries? China is not explicitly named here, but the reader can surely infer.

Murphy has made a scholarly subject interesting even for those who do not have a background in theory of governments and practical politics. The form and nature of our governments are of utmost important to our individual life- plans and a happy life. Murphy reaches the conclusion, via a debate, that Constitutional Democracy is the best form of government to fulfill aspirations of citizens. Rejecting all forms of dictatorship and totalitarianism at the outset Murphy's debaters consider constitutional democracy, representative democracy, coercive capitalism, consociational democracy and perfectionism. The debaters put forward their point of view in favor of the system they think is the best. Here, Murphy has drawn from experience of nations and political philosophy from ancient times till to today to present pros and cons of each system. He ultimately chooses Constitutional Democracy rejecting others. His book can serve as a guide in creation of institutions required for functioning of a constitutional democracy. His detailed treatment of maintaining and changing a constitutional order brings to our attention the great complexities of our political system which we take for granted and are instead inundated with an overdose of everyday squabbles of vested interests, what we call petty politics.

That such a scholarly work has typos and factual errors is regrettable.
There are one or two incomplete sentences, wrong words in sentences making them incomprehensible and factual errors. With my knowledge limited to details of India, I have noticed that facts about examples from India are mistaken about religious identities of the parties involved. While praising the maturity of Indian voters in ousting Indira Gandhi from power because she tried to subvert democratic institutions, he does not mention that the same people voted her back to power within two and a half years.

That such short a public memory is a lesson to be learned for people considering design of a political system seems to have missed his attention. However, this does not much reduce the importance of his work which should be read by anybody interested in understanding the complex world of governance.

Iriye has bravely gone beyond the realist notion of international relations to explore what all of us (or almost all?) instinctively find lacking in that notion: the ubiquitous cultural atmosphere in which all states and peoples interact. Precisely because it is an atmosphere, it is difficult to grasp, let alone explain cogently. Iriye does both, especially in the first two chapters charting the rise of intellectual movements across borders. That rise is also admirably quantified (e.g. the proliferation of international organizations), but ironically, the reader is left wondering just how vital conferences, declarations, and so forth have been and will be for cultural internationalism. Are these the catalysts or the results of globalism? And what are their respective weights in history? As revealing as, say, UNESCO's founding was after WWII, it is surely not the whole story.

That said, Iriye does not claim that this book is the final word on the subject, only the beginning of a new approach to modern history. His beginning is rewarding, and the approach overdue.