Agency-theory Books

mur·der (mûrdr)
n.
(Etymology: partly from Old English morthor; partly from Old French murdre, of Germanic origin)
1. The unlawful killing of one human by another, especially with premeditated malice.
2. Slang. Something that is very uncomfortable, difficult, or hazardous: The rush hour traffic is murder.
3. A flock of crows.

William Jennings Bryan abdicated his position as secretary of state under Woodrow Wilson because of Wilson's policy of strict accountability for Germany after the sinking of the Lusitania. This is one of many things my history teacher, R Andrew Kiel, taught me.

This is a very fine book by R. Andrew Kiel regarding both the life and times of J. Edgar Hoover AND the JFK assassination. Also of note---my work is credited on 36+ pages! In a way, this volume is almost two books in one becuase of its dual focus on the former director of the FBI and the Kennedy murder. Highly recommended (great photos, too). :)

Vince Palamara-JFK/ Secret Service expert (History Channel, author of two books, in over 30 other author's books, etc.)
Pittsburgh, PA

BEST JFK ASSASSINATION BOOK: ULTIMATE SACRIFICE
BEST JFK SECRET SERVICE BOOK: SURVIVOR'S GUILT BY YOURS TRULY :)

CONSPIRACY?!!!!!! EEEE EWW EEEE EWW WHA, WHA?! (Deep Inhale) Why I oughtta!

R. Andrew Kiel's book is a fascinating look into the many facets of J. Edgar Hoover. This book begins with a well documented look into Hoover's early involvement in the fight against communism. Next Kiel takes an extraordinary look into the secrets, lies and untruths behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy and Hoover's possible involvement. The last section deals with Hoover's involvement in the escalation of troops in Vietnam during the Johnson administration. In the end, Kiel leaves you wondering how we could have been so naive to trust our government so blindly. I highly recommend this book to anyone who has a fascination with history and a desire for the truth.

This is one of the most exhaustive collections of information and data regarding the JFK assassination and Lee Harvey. I do agree with one of the other reviewers - this is not light reading. It's pretty dry - just the facts, no "window dressing".

We always hear about the conspiracy theories, and speculation that the CIA played a role in the JFK assassination - this book sets out to provide convincing data. So if you're looking for an adventure novel or light reading, look elsewhere. But, if you're looking for an almost encylopedic source to quote when discussing such things, this is definitely the book.

I purchased Newman's book upon its publication in 1995 and over the years have re-read it at least 5 times and re-read passages even more often. Newman makes it very clear that his research wasn't aimed at the Kennedy assassination per se, but to reveal from the released archives of some of our clandistine agencies, that Lee Harvey or men named Lee Harvey Oswald were of great interest to the CIA, et al, long before our President was murdered. His research lets the reader draw conclusions, albeit very obvious conclusions. A hard read....but a great read.

As a intern for Dr. Newman on this particular book, I spent countless hours searching for documents in the National Archives - I know first hand the length he went to provide accurate details. Dr. Newman recounts the interesting story of a dark point in our nation's history. He is very careful not to speculate on the assassination of Kennedy - he deals only with the facts before him - CIA and FBI documents that display what they knew about Oswald. He leaves the rest to the 'assassination buffs'

While Dr. John Newman is to be commended for the SUBSTANCE of this book, he is no writer---this is a real challenging book to get through, rivaling some of Harold Weisberg's books. For the RESEARCHER out there, highly recommended, so much so that anything less than 5 stars is heresy. For those who want a good "read", avoid like the plague! I know this seems like a contradiction, but it isn't (!)
vince Palamara

This is an important book in the Kennedy assassination genre. It contains the text of CIA documents not previouslypublished, attempting to establish a CIA connection withLee Harvey Oswald and subsequent efforts on the part of the CIA to conceal this connection through tampering with itsOswald files. The book is flawed by poor editing, andfrom time to time the author makes great leaps in his logic,but for all that, it is well worth the time spent reading.The book breaks off after Oswald's death. One can onlyhope that Mr. Newman writes another volume addressing post-assassination events, including the controversy surroundingthe bona fides of KGB defector Yuriy Nosenko and his claimto have been the KGB officer supervising the Oswald file inRussia

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

The collapse of the Berlin Wall and the symbolic moral victory of American capitalism has been viewed by the US mainstream literature as the onset of a new era; one of global prosperity and peace. Although the end of state socialism has led to the spread of liberal democracy in Eastern Europe, it has also marked the beginning of numerous political and social crises that have precipitated an unprecedented growth of refugees and internally displaced peoples.

Arthur Helton's THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE astutely analyzes the emergence of the past decade's refugee crisis and the inability of the international political and legal framework to adequately address it. Using what sociologists call the "extensive field work methodology," Helton not only presents a succinct history of the recent refugee crisis; but also the "refugees' experience" through personal accounts and in-depth interviews with important policy-makers of the international refugee community. The result is an instructive analysis of "what went wrong" and what can be learned from the past, all presented in a style that captivates the interested reader.

As a scholar, legal practitioner and one of the international authorities in the field of migration and refugees, Helton's unique insights and inside resources illuminate the roots of the current crisis. By showing that prior policy responses were the outcome of emergency situations that lacked a systematic understanding of the diverse origins of the contemporary crisis, Helton proposes the creation of two institutions-one inside the US government and the other within international institutions-to anticipate and proactively respond to future refugee emergencies. While this approach is likely to attract the criticism of those who advocate a lesser role of the US government, it is a realistic and feasible solution that takes into consideration the fact that no refugee crisis can be resolved without the cooperation of the US government. At the same time, in order to devise a solution for current and future refugee crises that will be effective and long lasting, US policies must have international legitimacy which can be achieved only through international cooperation.

In sum, THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE is a "must" for any specialist in the field of refugee policy and for any person interested in future international policy on displaced peoples. Refugees matter not only because "they are there" or because "it could be me" but because refugees are here to stay and, in the process, how the U.S. helps to shape international policy will profoundly influence the political, ethical, and racial/ethnic future of our future global society.

The author of this book, Arthur C. Helton, was killed on August 19, 2003 in the suicide bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad. Helton was meeting with UN officials at the time of the bombing.

Smallchief

As noted by Arthur Helton, refugees matter. However, they matter not only for humanitarian reasons but also because they are intimately tied to questions of national and strategic interest. By extending the argument beyond the realm of humanitarian charity, Helton effectively makes the case for state intervention in the field and elevates scholarship in the realm of refugee studies.

Moreover, the perspective of The Price of Indifference is a fresh one. Addressing crises from Africa to Afghanistan, Turkey to East Timor and Haiti to the former USSR, his work constitutes a comprehensive account of a decade that was perhaps the most dynamic one in recent memory. And from a discussion of the Cold War models of humanitarian action to the "Mogadishu syndrome" and the CNN effect, Helton covers the prevailing dynamics of all periods. What is more, the book goes so far as to model potential futures depending on which prevailing ideology is adopted (e.g., cooperation or containment).

Not only does the book discuss shortfalls in the national system of humanitarian action (calling for a new separate civilian agency, the Agency for Humanitarian Action), but it also entails a discussion of the international system and its inability to effectively mediate refugee-related crises. In doing so, Helton makes the case for new institutional structures (e.g., the Strategic Humanitarian and Research Entity, or SHARE) which effectively consolidate the fragmented humanitarian components in the UN system.

As we know, the Cold war changed responses to refugee and migration emergencies in fundamental ways. Yet, for all we do know, there is no single answer. Rather, a more varied and comprehensive "policy toolbox" is required. To be helpful, policy needs to be more proactive so that "international coordination" and a "preventive orientation" replace the "selective apathy" and "creeping trepidation" that currently animate refugee responses.

No longer can states hide behind the out-dated Westphalian notion of absolute sovereignty. Rather, certain concerns are obligations erga omnes and the concern of all those within the international community. As a result, a significant attention and backing is given to humanitarian intervention (and its reform).

As Helton notes, recent experience teaches us that expectations should be modest. Yet with a thorough review like the Price of Indifference, one cannot help but hope for a better future for refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide.

Every notable disaster of the past century -- war, famine, civil unrest, earthquake and ecological catastrophe -- has resulted in the massive displacement of people within and across borders of their home countries. The June 7, 2002 New York Times reported that 14.9 million civilians were driven from their countries by war alone last year, and an additional 22 million people uprooted within their countries. It is a natural phenomenon in its own right, yet there has never been a systematic or comprehensive approach to anticipate, gather resources (both financial and intellectual) and make available workable solutions to this devastating predicament. This universal lack of foresight has taken its toll on untold numbers of refugees; some of whom waste years of their lives in flight or languish in refugee camps fearing for their safety, struggling for mere survival; while others achieve the relative fortune of starting their lives over in a new environment.

Now, the reader with even a passing interest in the plight of these unfortunate wanderers, and the expert alike, can explore an extraordinary trove of information on refugee policy and a startling new solution to this monumental problem. THE PRICE OF INDIFFERENCE: Refugees and Humanitarian Action in the New Century, by Arthur C. Helton, sets forth a concise modern history of refugee crises and the structural mechanisms and varied policies that have emerged for dealing with them. Helton depicts numerous strategies such as temporary protection, safe havens, asylum, evacuation, humanitarian corridors, resettlement, internal protection and repatriation, explaining why States have chosen some "solutions" over others as well as revealing the lapsed policy of states that have chosen to remain uninvolved. By analyzing diverse crises of the last decade in Bosnia, Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, Kosovo, and Rwanda, Helton reveals the full array of policy tools and astoundingly problematic realities of managing refugees.

With an uncanny ability to capture the big picture, Helton also evokes vivid, personally observed details of a wide range of specific refugee crises, often in poetic terms. This book gives you the insider's view of what refugees actually experience:

It was a late Sunday evening in November 2000 when our plane landed in Nairobi, Kenya. As I walked on the runway through the sultry air to the airport arrival hall, I became an unintended witness to the conclusion of the infamous journey of the `lost boys of Sudan', some of whom I had visited in 1993 at the Kakuma refugee camp in northwestern Kenya. There, a remnant of some 17,000 children had come to rest after fleeing in 1988 from fighting in Sudan to Ethiopia, where they were attacked again after the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam fell in 1991. This prompted a harrowing 600-mile trek by foot to Kenya, with many dying from attacks by wild animals and exposure.
p. 183.

In Helton's words, "[a]t the outset of the twenty-first century, the policy debate is driven by selective apathy and creeping trepidation." He reveals rationales for employing the various options including political motivations, notions of sovereignty, and practicality, among others. With a comprehensive overview of policy options that have been employed in recent history, their successes and failures, Helton envisions putting an end to such inevitable recurring suffering.

Unsatisfied with unpremeditated, unsystematic and less than ideal solutions that spring, almost ad hoc from crises as they arise, Helton offers a striking proposal for two organizations dedicated to assembling resources and a base of experts to anticipate, prevent and ameliorate future predicaments - one inside the U.S. government, and one internationally-based. While some may bemoan a proposal for new agencies, Helton's suggestion is innovative for the policy underlying these proposed organizations: a vehicle for prevention of mass displacement and for proactive, anticipatory mitigation when prevention is impossible or inappropriate. The new national security and foreign policy agenda he presents reflects his heartfelt and lifelong quest for states, organizations and individuals to view the protection of refugees as an obligation to humanity; an obligation that merits foresight.

Arthur C. Helton, one of the world's top experts on refugees and the migration of displaced persons, is Senior Fellow for Refugee Studies and Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. He previously directed the Refugee Project of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights for twelve years and has written more than 80 scholarly articles on refugee and migration subjects. Helton's book will educate and fascinate policy makers, statesmen, relief workers, and humanitarians, as well as advocates for refugees and enthusiasts of migration, foreign policy, history, diplomacy, politics, and human rights. This comprehensive volume poses important questions and will undoubtedly take its place among the seminal literature devoted to the topic.

Very few longtime civil servants write their memoirs. This book shows that this is a mistake. The author makes the every day conflicts of civil service life live and breathe and shows how they can be overcome to serve great purposes in the public interest.

Introduction writer Tom Peters quotes Peter Drucker's aphorism that "Ninety percent of what we call 'management' consists of making it difficult to get things done." He produces "12 Lessons in Stone" which summarize his approaches. Stone used (1) Demos and Models; (2) Heroes; (3) Stories and Storytellers; (4) Chroniclers; (5) Cheerleaders and Recognition; (6) New Language; (7) Seekers (of change); (8) Protectors (of innovators); (9) Support Groups; (10) End Runs (around hierarchies)/Pull (from outsiders) Strategy; (11) Field/"Real People" Focus, and (12) Speed to push his goals forward.

The author himself describes his goals as "decentralization, deregulation, and devolution of authority in a value-centered organization." These were goals gradually developed after years of frustration mixed with achievement in the Defense Department, to which he had been recruited by the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Systems Analysis in 1969. He quickly clashed with the centralization of all authority for planning imposed during the seven plus years of Secretary Robert McNamara.

His first work was to research the question of how big the army should be. He led successful efforts to change the evaluation formula from on tons of artillery ammunition fired times lethal area per ton to one that applied informed military judgements to the weapons on both sides, what the army dubbed the Weighted Effect Indicators/Weighted Unit Value method. The effect of this change in formulas was to demonstrate the feasibility of NATO surpassing the Warsaw Pact in effectiveness, something later accomplished in the Carter and Reagan Administrations. From this effort, the author learned the power of asking naieve questions, such as "Why? What's that mean? Says who?"

The author subsequently went on to become assistant secretary of defense for installations, where he rapidly shrunk regulations and improved the quality of life for residents of military bases. This raised hackles which put him under a glass ceiling for awhile, but he recovered with the Clinton/Gore election in 1992, when he got appointed to the National Performance Review staff, and ultimately became its leader in reinventing government.

This book demonstrates his struggles and his triumphs and is essential reading for anyone seeking to aid in the cause of responsive government. "Some people look for things that went wrong and try to fix them," he said. "I look for things that went right and try to build upon them." He called himself "Mr. ReGo" (Reinventing Government) and "Energizer in Chief." His critics had undoubtedly had other words for him, but this book is a very clear record of his vision and accomplishments.

It is an extremely useful introduction to the whole field of Reinventing Government, with its orientation of customer service and customer satisfaction and the eliminations of excess regulation and bureaucratic red tape. It is one man's anecdotal summary, but it provides a firm basis for more rigorous empiricial investigations by others. It is a call to action as well as a memoir, and as such it will likely be heeded by dedicated professionals for many years to come.

This excellent book is a light and easy read filled with many personal stories and observations from a career civil servant who `fought the good fight' to apply common sense and effective business practices to the federal government for thirty years. Anyone with any government experience, or business experience dealing with government organizations, will enjoy this book and probably get some ideas about how to overcome government bureaucracy and over-regulation.

If you are looking for new business, management, or leadership concepts, theories, or practices, you will be disappointed. What was new, and what made this book interesting and inspiring to me, was how Stone repeatedly applied sound business, management, and leadership concepts, theories, and practices to government organizations that had been institutionally insulated from such `distractions.' Stone's constant mantra of putting customers first, empowering employees, and cutting red tape helped lead many federal government organizations to a paradigm shift from a focus on regulations and violations to customers and helping them with compliance, and even the practice of federal agencies partnering with businesses to achieve mutually supporting goals.

As a retired career Marine officer, I particularly enjoyed reading about his efforts in the Department of Defense. His very first chapter, "Tackling a Job When You Haven't a Clue," clearly set the tone for the rest of the book with its honesty and humility. His initial experiences in the Pentagon (where he initially did not have a clue) were very similar to many of the jobs I had during my Marine career, and now with most of the government and military projects I have supported as a contractor. The lessons at the end of this chapter, and at the end of the next thirteen chapters (of sixteen total), were `right on target' and did a great job focusing on the main points to be learned from his stories and observations.

"This is an exhilarating book, full of spirit and spark. It vividly and
passionately describes the author's groundbreaking, bureaucracy-busting work
as head of the National Performance Review. Ignited by Tom Peter's In Search
of Excellence,
Stone became Al Gore's right hand in working to reinvent government. His
book is filled with wonderful stories of revolutionaries from every rank and
level. It contains many great tidbits of advice and wisdom. The author used
to refer to himself as Energizer in Chief. His book is just that: an
energizer. It breathes the soul of civic revolution. It is full of fun as
well, an easy read. Stone is totally devoted to action that breaks down
ridiculous and often absurd barriers from getting the job done right. But
the book is full of humanity as well, as when Stone decides to retire so he
can live closer to his young grandchildren. If you want to touch clear,
decisive, humane leadership, if your soul needs a spark to re-ignite itself,
run -don't walk- to get this book."

This tell-it-like-it-was gem about the author's thirty years of public service is nothing less than remarkable. Adroitly written with good humor, Stone's quiet, but dogged steadfast nature is wonderfully evident in every page and makes you count your lucky stars that people like him actually join the ranks of our government. These experiences should serve as a guide for future generations of civil servants tackling the often thankless and misunderstood job of government service. But more than that - there is a lesson plan for all of us who navigate the treacherous waters of small and big organizations alike. I for one, plan to give this book to my twenty-one-year-old college graduate to read.

Needless to say, I was not surprised. This book is of course another in a long line of books exposing Hover, the FBI and our not so pure system.
Albert Einstein was clearly a good man and it is becoming rather apparent that J. Edgar Hoover was not.
When people complain about how their tax dollars are spent, I don't understand why organization like the FBI and the CIA are so defended by so many. Are these people just not informed?
I know that even history is not always accurate or in some cases even rather political and deceptive but so many people can't be lying about Hoover and these secretive organizations of ours.
We are beginning to make the Communists look reasonable. I can hardly believe all this and I just don't see how so many others can be in this state of denial. I don't get it.

Books written by Richard Noble - The Hobo Philosopher:
"Hobo-ing America: A Workingman's Tour of the U.S.A.."
"A Summer with Charlie"
"A Little Something: Poetry and Prose"
"Honor Thy Father and Thy Mother"

The Einstein File by Fred Jerome, quickly dispels the poplar image
of Albert Einstein as an absentminded, head-in-the-clouds-genius.

Though Einstein is arguably the most widely covered, continuing
science story in history and is most noted for his scientific
theories that transformed our view of the universe. This book
chronicles the life of an Einstein that the masses knew nothing
about. An Einstein described as a troublemaker, an agitator, a
fervent pacifist, a socialist, and an open critic of racism.

Einstein arrived in the United States in 1933, the year of
the Nazi's ascent to power in Germany, and became the focus of
J. Edgar Hoover's FBI. And by any means necessary the FBI amassed
a 'file cabinet' of information on him. Fred Jerome stumbled on
documents that addressed Einstein as a Spy and a Kidnap Plotter.
And a dossier where Jerome discovered the political dimension of
Albert Einstein's life and his intense commitment to social justice.

Jerome says when he realized how much had not been told to us about
the life of the 'Man of the Century', he felt as though he had been
robbed. This is not another biography of Einstein, some two hundred
have already been written. It is a window opened by the FBI on the
nature of Einstein's politics, the depth of his public involvement,
and the generosity of his endorsements of organizations he supported.
And it is this activism that made Hoover's Bureau consider Einstein

dangerous. This book reveals information that makes one think the
history we know is sanitized, and what we don't know is at times
appalling. It talks of a 'list' maintained by the FBI on celebrities,
political figures and anyone thought to have affiliatiions with the
Communist Party. It underscores the dangers that can arise, and the
rule of law that exists in times of obsession with national security.
And it creates questions on where the line should be drawn on the issue
of an invasion of privacy. This one will make you take a seat.

Reviewed by aNN Brown

Einstein was a troublemaker, the author informs us at the beginning of this book detailing, armed with the 1800 pages of files released by the FOIA, with Hoover's Albert-paranoia in action, aimed at the great scientist, especially in the years of the Red Scare, McCarthyism, and the Cold War. The public image of the greatest scientist of the twentieth century has been carefully manicured, but behind the teddy bear was a determined activist on many fronts, who fell afoul of not only the Nazis, but of the FBI. Einstein's valiant stands on social justice, racism, antisemitism, war, peace, and the Bomb barely enter public consciousness through the layers of the myth. The record of Hoover's manipulations and skullduggeries is almost pathetic in its pickiun character, next also to its bungling and misinformation. It is, for example, discouraging to watch how Einstein is deprived of security clearance, lest a man with such a reputation and global popularity be, we suspect the motive, able to influence or speak out from the inside on the use of the first atom bomb. The portrait left of the reactionary and racist Hoover at the head of a critical institution pursuing this biased and incomprehending agenda is nothing less than appalling. The portrait of Einstein's deep social concerns (read a triffle 'leftist') in action is the real man, please.

This is a must read book for many reasons. We have allowed J. Edgar Hoover and Joseph McCarthy's abuses of power to slip quietly into fuzzy memory. We have failed to learn from history and are now condemned to repeat it.

Einstein emerges in this book as far more than a smart mathematician. He was a good and wise man. That so much of our government's power was engaged in an effort to discredit him is frightening.

Einstein experienced the Nazi's rise to power first hand. He could see the similarities between their anti-Semitism and our own racism. He had seen the Nazis attack the Communists and quash dissent. Einstein was a long time Pacifist, but he supported the war against the Nazis, even to the point of suggesting to FDR that we develop the Atomic Bomb before Hitler could.

Einstein was never a Communist. He valued his freedom of thought and expression too much. He saw how dangerous narrow nationalism could be and that it could threaten democracy. Einstein and First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt were strong supporters of the United Nations and Human Rights. This earned both extensive FBI files, along with Martin Luther King Jr., whose Civil Rights efforts were also seen as a threat by Hoover.

After World War II, Nazis were eagerly embraced as anti-Communists and recruited into the growing "intelligence community". Einstein, an avowed Socialist, was feared to be, if not actually "Red" at least "Pink", and not to be trusted. If he had not been so well known and loved, he would surely have been stripped of his citizenship and deported. Hoover certainly tried. Fortunately for Einstein, there was no real evidence at all against him, just allegations from completely unreliable sources, innuendo and irrational fear.

Today, the flames of irrational fear are again being fanned in our country. Fear is again being used to justify injustice and erode our civil liberties. Everyone should read this book, and take it as a warning.

The book arrived in the estimated time and in the condition advertised by this seller.

A fine political sciene academic book. A number of strengths:
- A well organized book. One looking to just understand the argument or theory of the book can read the first two chapters and the conclusion.
- A strong case is made on behalf of new institutionalism, as opposed to realism, in explaining the creation and development of the National Security Council, Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Central Intelligence Agency. Bottom line is that foreign policy agencies are created amidst the politics of the day and are never created so as to achieve true national security objectives. Among the interesting findings is that Congress and the interest group community was not seriously involved in the creation or development of the three national security structures. New institutional theory regarding domestic areas does involve Congress and IGs. Worse for anyone hoping to fix initial design flaws is the fact that, as hard as it is to make agencies function from the get-go, it's even harder to fix them later on.
- The case studies are well written and interesting narratives.
Some weaknesses:
- Congress's involvement does not necessarily mean formal votes and hearings. Hence, influential folks can play a role in behind the scenes manners.
- Congress pushed through the Goldwater-Nichols Act in the 1980s with a SecDef who was opposed, a president who was not engaged. That's a heck of a piece of contrary evidence that Zegart does not dedicate enough time to.
- A tad bit too much repetition.
- Politics in the late 1940s is not the same as politics in the early 21st century. Globalization and the interlocking nature of domestic and foreign policies may weaken Zegart's findings.

More can be said. Overall, a fine book and well worth the time.

With Flawed by Design, Zegart makes a spectacular splash into the world of professional political academic analysis. Trained at Stanford University, Zegart employs an approach that is both refreshingly "old school" in its historical approach and new school in its analytical rigor. In short, Zegart has offered up a piece of academic literature that is certain to become a classic. Look out for this rising star over the next 10 years. Let's only hope that the "rational choice" dogma of the field doesn't precluding Zegart from continuing her Tiger Woods-like path through the political science circuit.

This is a very worthy and thoughtful book. It breaks new ground in understanding the bureaucratic and political realities that surrounded the emergence of the National Security Council, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Central Intelligence Agency. The CIA was weak by design, strongly opposed by the military services from the beginning. Its covert activities emerged as a Presidential prerogative, unopposed by others in part because it kept CIA from being effective at coordinated analysis, for which it had neither the power nor the talent. Most usefully, the book presents a new institutionalist theory of bureaucracy that gives full weight to the original design, the political players including the bureaucrats themselves, and external events. Unlike domestic agencies that have strong interest groups, open information, legislative domain, and unconnected bureaucracies, the author finds that national security agencies, being characterized by weak interest groups, secrecy, executive domain, and connected bureaucracies, evolve differently from other bureaucracies, and are much harder to reform. On balance, the author finds that intelligence per se, in contrast to defense or domestic issues, is simply not worth the time and Presidential political capital needed to fix but that if reform is in the air, the President should either pound on the table and put the full weight of their office behind a substantive reform proposal, or walk away from any reform at all-the middle road will not successful.

The 2006 D.B. Hardeman Prize for the best book on Congress published in
2005 has been awarded to "The CIA and Congress". Don Bacon, a member of
the award committee, says: "David Barrett has given us an engrossing
account of the highly secret, often contentious relationship between
Congress and its post-World War II creation, the Central Intelligence
Agency. Thoroughly researched, rich in fascinating detail, 'The CIA and
Congress' focuses on the spy agency's early years, when the Cold War was
at its peak. The author relies heavily on previously hidden official
records and his own insightful interviews to show that our lawmakers
worried more about the new agency's potential for mischief and kept it
on a shorter leash than has been previously known."

This book is a necessary read if you are into the history and political analysis of the American government from the 1940s through the 60s. It's a fascinating read. Dr. Barrett has gone to incredible lengths of archival research to write a book that is a truly original voice on the period. As someone who came across the book looking for material on Joe McCarthy, I was amazed at how enjoyable the book was to read just in general. Dr. Barrett has found material to support stories that were merely rumors before. For example, letters from a military officer who was "propositioned" by Senator McCarthy and memos supporting the fact that meetings occurred between the CIA Director and a Congressional subcommittee prior to the Bay of Pigs invasion. This is truly a groundbreaking book that should be required reading for anyone interested in the CIA or Congress.

Barrett's /The CIA and Congress/ is a triumph of research. Writing any history of the CIA is problematic because the documentation will never be close to complete; some official and private papers have been destroyed or "misplaced," others remain classified 50 years or more after being written, and many important discussions and decisions were never committed to paper. Faced with such endemic incompleteness, Barrett, a political scientist at Villanova University, persevered, found widely dispersed research materials and displayed sound analytic sense and balance in their use. Having done so much fine detective work, Barrett can present not only a gripping review of leadership dynamics among the CIA, the White House and Congress but also a coherent view of the development and oversight of the CIA's budgets (a notoriously hard target) from 1947 to 1961. His research is made more impressive by his frankness in admitting on several occasions that he cannot tell the whole story because the documents are not available.

Barrett's analysis of the relationship between the long-established Congress and the infant CIA (founded only in 1947) turns not only on documents but also on his superb portraits and assessments of the key players: The thoughts, actions and characters of senators, congressmen, presidents and CIA officials are front and center in the book. The human pageant Barrett presents is not all that different from that which exists today.

I could not recommend this book highly enough for students of advertising and consumer culture. It is a really insightful, insider account of the work of advertising agencies and practitioners,and while the tone of writing is definitely academic, this book has much to offer practitioners within the field to reflect upon their work. I found this book having completed ethnographic fieldwork within an advertising agency, and I could relate to much of what many of the authors within the text desribed in their own accounts of agency practice. This text should be essential reading for all students of advertising and integrated marketing communications, as well as marketing and advertising practitioners alike, and is a much welcomed new perspective on advertising production.

This book is to the meaning production world of advertising what Howard Becker's book "Art Worlds" was to the world of art production. The articles in the collection are fascinating thick descriptions of the processes, negotiations, intentionalities and symbolic actions of ad agencies versus client companies versus end consumers as new marketing programs are produced and evolved in the US and around the world.

The single most underappreciated book examining modern expectations of Western nation states and their current incarnation as Weberian constructs of elected policy makers and extended bureaucracies that then must simultaneously promote stability but also adapt, while also maintaining an expression of a nation's aspirations and goals.

Prof. Ezra N. Suleiman extends the Weber model advanced by Peter Berger and other children of the New School for Social Research but engages more deeply into the implications of bureaucratic nation states and how they converse. He also deeply examines the implications of the assumptions national leaders operate under as they deploy international policy, both coordinated and uncoordinated.

This is a timeless examination of modern democratic and bureaucratic nation states, but I would be remiss if I did not call attention to the irony of Prof. Suleiman's birthplace (Iraq), his specialization of studies, and the current administration's assumptions in prosecuting the Iraq war and nation building. While the policy of decapitating the nation of Iraq by removing Saddam Husain was laudable, whatever the motives, two crucial mistakes following that policy destroyed the chance of Iraq's transition to a nation state as the modern world conceives: 1) dismantling the already fragile civil service already in place in Iraq, and 2) not understanding that a modern bureaucratic nation state has no apparatus to discuss or make coordinated policy progress with a non-bureaucratic nation state (the default is tribal, territorial, clanship, or religious affiliation). The USA and the remnants of "Iraq" following the US occupation were talking past each other in the most profound of ways.

I would have appreciated an expanded examination of the history of China becoming isolationist and inward thinking following their development of a bureaucracy and standardized examinations and chains of command in civil administration, as Weber's own thesis in the Religions of China failed to capture the unfolding of the Middle Kingdom's history. Perhaps Weber's central assumption in the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, resulting in the necessity of preservation of property rights regardless of social class or status, and therefore resulting in the necessity of a bureaucracy could find no root in the social contract of China where *family* is the first prioritized social contract. Suleiman's complete views in the breakdown of this acceptable bureaucracy under Weberian standards, but unacceptable under democratic standards would be most welcome, as China is our next challenge and there is a bureaucracy in place, although not a democratically controlled one.

It is ironic that Francis Fukuyama's "The End of History" became the ascendant hermeneutic construct and the thesis of the Neo-Conservatives, and the end result was the debacle in Iraq, little realizing that the anti-thesis children of Hegel (Marx, Nietzsche, & Kierkegaard) advanced critiques that had been answered in the synthesis of Max Weber. Prof. Suleiman's "Dismantling Democratic States" deserves wider attention and deeper consideration for those who wish to advance individual freedom, nation state democracy, internal and international peace, internal stability, individual and communal property rights (Fire Stations need right of way), and coordinated international efforts to advance those goals.

There is no doubt in my mind that public servants are easy targets for politicians and that this will continue (btw -- I am not a govt employee). But in the current environment where the typical citizen has a new found respect for firemen, policemen, health professionals, military personnel, and those civil servants that support them, logic would dictate that perhaps the more enlightened politicians will adopt a less reformist approach in coming elections.

Of course, that would mean they would have to specifically talk about their actual policy views, and how those policies would determine the manner in which these public resources are utilized.

It would be nice if one of the candidates read Prof. Suleiman's book and took the refreshing approach of applauding our civil servants and the institutions they work for. Maybe the material inefficiency of government is not to be found in the civil servants or the institutions themselves -- but is more likely a function of ill-defined policy coming down from senior elected officials.

On a final note, once my wife finishes the book, I am sending my slightly used copy to my Senator. I encourage all the other readers of this book to do the same (Republican, Democrat, Libertarian, whatever). My hope is that it will do more good there than sitting on my bookshelf.

fast, speedy clean transaction. pleased with books condition. thank you. will definately do business again!!

The book I received was in great condition and the service was prompt. It was the best price I could find.