1990 Books

"France and Germany at Maastricht is simply political science at its best. Its analytical narrative of Franco-German negotiations on political and monetary union is the most thorough and balanced account of the pivotal episode in the current project of European unity. It combines a comprehensive understanding of the national and sectoral interests at stake in the Maastricht negotiations with a firm grasp of the institutional and electoral environment in which negotiations proceeded. The depth and breadth of the research material required by a study of this variety alone is impressive, but Mazzucelli's lucid explanation of its meaning makes the book a valuable addition to the fields of European studies, comparative politics and international relations." -Carl C. Hodge, Okanagan University College

"In the present context of the efforts to promote a European Union and Franco-German relations, Dr. Mazzucelli's book constitutes an extraordinarily useful contribution to the statesman's, diplomat's, scholar's and layman's reflections on these matters and provides extremely useful leads to all those who, in one way or another, are responsible for the destiny of the European continent and its relations with other parts of the world, in particular its transatlantic allies." -His Excellency Alfred Cahen, Secretary General, Atlantic Treaty Association

"This very informative and balanced volume, rich in factual content and documentary materials, is recommended to politicians, diplomats, experts in European Union affairs and those who would like insight into "corridor diplomacy" during the Maastricht process. This book is also suggested to those who feel responsible for the success of Hungary's negotiations with the European institutions." -Hungarian Foreign Affairs Journal, Spring `97

"Mazzucelli provides an extremely detailed analysis of the national decision-making processes of two of the principal players in the Maastricht negotiations, and a comprehensive discussion of the national, subnational and transnational actors central to the negotiating process...The book's focus and methodological sophistication make it most useful for specialists in the field." -Choice, September `97

"The story Mazzucelli narrates is a fascinating one. The reader is taken inside negotiations in cabinets, ministerial offices and presidential palaces; in national parliaments, government conclaves, Commission meetings, and Council deliberations. We are given a detailed picture of the relationships developed at every level of the bureaucracy and between regional, national and Brussels bureaucracies. This is one of the best documented accounts I have seen of the manifold intricacies of EU politics and negotiation. Mazzucelli has an impressive command of both the primary and secondary materials in French, German, Italian and English. She is also a skilled and assiduous interviewer and has woven into her narrative information obtained over a period of several years. The book is impeccably footnoted and the 33-page bibliography is a mine of information. It is a pleasure to read a book produced with such care." -Glenda G. Rosenthal, Columbia University ECSA Review, Fall `97

"The originality of this work, over and above the attentive look at French and German behavior during this IGC, is that it analyzes the negotiation - which was so difficult for several Member States at domestic level - combining three approaches: "Jean Monnet's practical and purposeful way of doing things," Putnam's "two-level games" (this approach...seems particularly useful in the case of Maastricht, given its emphasis on both "internal bargaining at the domestic level and external negotiations at the international level") and the "four images" of civil servants described by Aberbach, Putnam and Rockman...Anyone involved in another European Union IGC should be very interested in this analysis..." -"Europe" Bulletin, "European Library," Brussels, 15 & 16 December `97

"Mazzucelli's book sheds light on the history of Franco-German governmental relations as the Cold War ended..., situates Franco-German bilateralism within a process of multilateral negotiations in the European Union..., and empirically confirms that it is not possible to understand European integration without taking into account the institutional diversity of states....This volume deserves to be read with interest...,and offers leads for theoretical reflection to all those who work in the areas of integration, foreign policy and the political sociology of European states." -Christian Lequesne, CERI, Revue Française de Science Politique, décembre `97

"In light of the recent events in Brussels, this analysis of French-German relations in the framework of European integration is extremely topical....It examines whether the two European powers, which played a leading role in the period considered, will continue to play a similar role in the enlarged Europe of the future....It should be pointed out that the study is heavily based on primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews with personalities from the political and academic worlds carried out in various European countries between 1992 and 1994." -The International Spectator, Rome, April-June `98

"According to Mazzucelli the process of EU intergovernmental conferences is not subsumed under the intergovernmental approach ....Neofunctional and federal approaches are also not regarded by her as useful for this analysis. In the author's view, these approaches underestimate the complexity of the integration process and do not consider sufficiently the contradictory relations between Brussels and the member states....Furthermore since intergovernmental conferences will be an important element of European integration, i.e., Amsterdam, works like this one by Mazzucelli are important for the analysis of the process of European unity." -Paul Luif, Austrian Institute of International Affairs, Austrian Journal of Political Science, Issue Number 4 `98

This is a very enlightening cross-disciplinary look at where the French welfare state finds itself today. The author does a wonderful job of harpooning the self-delusional assumptions the French make about their government's social programs. Likely, this won't be warmly received in France, but challenging the status quo is no way to win popularity contests. The United States and Canada could do with a similar treatment from this author.

From a stylistic standpoint, I think it is important to note that this is not just another dry academic tome. The text is quite lively and there are more than a few colourful turns of phrase thrown in for good measure.

So far Alys's books have looked like artist's books. Finally a cathalogue that encompasses his main works, in a beautiful edition and strong texts by him as his fellow curator.

As a document of 10 years in the political history of the United Kingdom this book is of the first importance. By 1991 the evolution of the young Anthony Wedgwood Benn, Viscount Stansgate, into the populist Tony Benn was long complete, and his career as a Labour cabinet minister was long behind him. I would guess he has done more for posterity by his high-profile stance as an independent radical thinker than he ever did, or was ever likely to do, in his various ministerial posts.

Obviously these diaries are political annals first and foremost. It is as a politician and political theorist that we know him from his speeches and media appearances, but this volume of the diaries gives more insight into the man himself. Early on he recounts the death of his mother, and towards the end there were tears standing in my eyes as I read his laconic and restrained account of the death of his much-loved American wife after a long and courageous battle with cancer. He has more to say about his family than about the dissident Labour party figures with whom he is usually associated, and his reticence makes this a fascinating issue for me. Some he admires quite obviously, but I got no sense of personal closeness whether because there is none or because he is simply reticent in such matters. What comes across clearly is what independent figures these are and how un-cohesive as some supposed left-wing grouping or movement. It is pretty clear - all the more so for his terseness - who he doesn't like (Neil Kinnock the `modernising' and `reforming' leader of the party very obviously indeed), but the tone is always calm and controlled. His perfect civility, which I have never seen desert him in public, only once or twice falls victim to his exasperation and disgust in the course of these diaries. He tells us what we would have inferred anyway, that he greatly prefers to be on friendly terms with everyone whatever the political differences, and the real tone of personal warmth appears in relation to such political opponents as John Major, Ian Paisley the demagogic leader of the Democratic Ulster Unionists and, intriguingly, the ostensible right-wing bogeyman Norman Tebbitt, whom he characterises as being personally a softie. This is a man people talked to, and that gives his diaries all the more significance.

His Achilles heel, it seems to me, is his sentimental view of radical history, in particular Labour party history. Time and again he criticises the current Labour junta for their disregard of the traditions of the Labour movement. That's all very well, but what did he learn from the party's experience when led by dear old Michael Foot, loved by one and all but generally viewed as a 19th-century survival and a thundering disaster in electoral terms? I sympathise strongly with his revulsion at the question-begging and deceitful inanities mouthed by the Blair troupe about adapting traditional values to the modern world. That they are in practice largely abandoning the values and the people they are supposed to represent I am in no doubt at all, but at least they have found a constituency. Nor am I in any doubt that Mrs Thatcher inflicted a vicious defeat not only on supposed radicals and militants but on the working class generally and on the disadvantaged generally, and that all kinds of unsavoury enterprises and their managements now get a pretty easy ride. The Labour party as a whole, and the trade unions in particular were largely the architects of their own misfortunes through naivety, pigheadedness and arrogance, and they have fallen foul of what Galbraith calls the Culture of Contentment, sc enough of us are happy enough with the status quo to object more to anyone rocking the boat than to injustice. A return to old Labour ways does not seem much of an answer all the same.

It may be that with some supposed communist threat now behind us people will begin to see the sheer ugliness of capitalism. Socialism to me is a mentality, not a system, and it is a collective mentality. Whatever its virtues in theory, it has a lot to live down in practice, a lot of unpleasant associations to shed and a lot of skeletons to clear out of various cupboards. If more socialists resembled Tony Benn the task would be a lot easier.

The book is readable to the point of compulsiveness. He dislikes personal invective and bad language. When this is used by Harold Pinter, Benn finds it `quite unnecessary' and he startles himself on the one occasion when sheer frustration drives him to the point of using a naughty word. He clucks disapprovingly at a mildly risque joke told by the Prime Minister, but oddly seems very amused by a similar witticism, which I myself first heard about 45 years ago, told by the Rev Mr Paisley. I would really have liked more of an insight into his sense of humour, but mostly we have to make do with his summary of friendly discussions as `very jolly'. But the main point of this book is its stern prophetic quality, and I for one take it - how shall I say -- jolly seriously.

As a former Student of Professor Moses, I had the opportunity to read and analyze his book. While the book can get very complex at times, demanding careful reading, it rewards the reader with deep analysis, interviews with top personnel during the crisis and a new approach to the Hostage Crisis in general. A must read for anyone that considers himself an avid student of international affairs. Juan Pablo Adame Arnedo

FSB was a Protestant school for girls from all over Ireland, with deliberately modest fees and quite rigorous sports. In 1966, rather than become exclusively priced, or part of the Irish State system, it was closed. My mother attended the school in the 1950s. This book has documented an obscure part of Irish history that had seemed forgotten except in spoken memory. Well done.

Even though there has been an increasing awareness of the plight of the Palestinians, many are still ignorant of the root of the conflict. This book is a first hand account of a doctor who was there when the Sabra-Shatila massacre took place. What she witnessed there turned Ang Swee Chai, who is a Christian, and initially, a supporter of the Israeli state into an advocate the rights of the Palestinians.

It is easy to label the Palestinians as terrorists and believe what is reported in the mainstream media. I dare you to read this book and make up your own mind.

A great book for anyone who's interested in the documental history of the cold war

This is an exciting look into the demise of the Soviet Union. Oberdorfer was a journalist for the Washington Post and had as close a view to the 1980s US-USSR foreign policy process as anyone outside of the government could have. With his fine writing skills, he offers the reader a balanced account of the changing relationship between the superpowers of the Cold War. Of course, the powerhouses of Reagan, Gorbachev, Gromyko, Dobrynin, Shultz, Bush, and Shevardnadze are the focal points; but there are many other important players who contributed no small amounts to what happened at the tail end of the Cold War.

Ronald Reagan was no doubt an important force in American government: all presidents are. However, there is and forever will be controversy over his impact on events. The right wingers want us to believe that he single-handedly brought down the Soviet Union by being tough and forcing them to spend money until they collapsed; the righties also believe Gorbachev had nothing to do with his country's implosion. The left wingers want us to believe that Reagan had nothing to do with what happened and that Gorbachev deserves all of the accolades. As with all debates among the two ends of the American political spectrum, the truth lies somewhere in-between. And Oberdorfer offers us a look into a process that was bigger than the two leaders, albeit a process that was greatly impacted by all involved. As America continues to debate Ronald Reagan and what he left us, maybe some day we can all accept that he was something more complex than the right-wing and left-wing want to believe. But until then, there is this fantastic book. Enjoy.

Concentrating on the LANGUAGE poetries developed in the 1970s, this massive anthology is second to none. Not as hard core as Ron Silliman's In the American Tree, it manages to successfully convey the beauty & lyricism of a difficult genre. The book is split into 4 "gatherings". Starting (surprisingly) with the Objectivists (Reznikoff, Rakosi, Niedecker, Zukofsky & Oppen), whom the editor argues were seminal, along with Olson (who is also included in the first gathering), in inspiring the poetry from the younger authors. (There is no William's or Pound, mainly because the anthology starts at 1960, & also because their work is so well known anyway.) The second gathering is mainly the New York School - Guest, O'Hara, Ashbery etc, ending (each gathering is organized chronologically) with Alice Notley & Diane Ward. The third gathering concentrates on language & reader - starting with Creeley (whom Messerli sensibly pulls away from his Black mountain colleagues with whom he never really stylistically belonged), thru Hannah Weiner, Bromige, Coolidge, Hejinian, Grenier & most of the well known LANGUAGE poets. The forth gathering is poets associated with performance, voice etc - Cage, McLow, Elmslie, Rothenberg, thru Bruce Andrews, Steve Benson to Carla Harryman (the last poet in the book). Each poet is well represented - everyone having at least 10 pages & some more than 30, & each poet was consulted by Messerli with his list of what he considered their most important work, & a compromise was met with them. There are some glaring ommissions - the most obvious being a section from Zukofsky's A-23 which proved so influential & groundbreaking. But despite this this book is a giant in every way. Messerli is probably the person best equipped to edit such a work, having published almost all the poets represented with his Sun & Moon Press. The poetry is enormously various, but all of it is GOOD & some of it is truly GREAT. I can't recommend the book enough.