1990 Books

The Cuban Revolution: Years Of Promise is an insightfully co-authored historical documentation of Cuba's revolutionary strive for independence from an undesired government by Teo A Babùn (frequent guest commentator with CBS, CNN, CNBC, CBN, the BBC, and the German Television Network. National executive director of ECHO-Cuba) & Victor Andrès Triay (Cuban-American Historian at Middlesex Community College and acclaimed author). Delving deep into the previously unseen terrain of the Cuban revolutionaries, The Cuban Revolution reveals sights and insights never before released for an eye-opening and educational affect. The Cuban Revolution is very highly recommended to all non-specialist general readers, particularly though to readers with an interest in the firsthand happenings of the Cuban Revolution.

The book does an amazing job of supplying both sides of the story for this generation of Cubans. It offers strong opinions for and against the Revolutionary state of Cuba. Each chapter is a seperate interview with someone who has a relation to the argument. It begins with Cuban citizens, and then moves on to those that are state side and even some second generation Cuban Americans. The book has the depth of peoples lives as they unfold before you. From the stories of the day of the revolution to stories of revoltion, it brings home points you won't have thought of.

Culture and Agency is a very useful book to understand social change. The Author provides several analitical tools to examine the relation between systems of beliefs and values and the stuctural opportunities individuals have to support or contest them. In doing so, she opens new ways to think sociological problems like the change in the role of woman in society, or the reinterpretations of culture proposed by new social movements, in spite of the fact that the book maintains itself in a theoretical level, without adressing substantive issues. I am a Ph.D. student, and the book was extremely helpful to iluminate my object of research, the women's movement.

I'm surprised no one else has reviewed this book - I guess they're too busy trying to alter this trend. Garland's book represents an extremely solid, well-written and methodical approach to how and why the US rate and absolute number of imprisonment is the highest in the world.

Garland reached an understanding of how this trend happened, was this process:
1. A shift from `penal welfare' to `retributive' model...
2. Prompted by social and tech. changes.
3. Enabled by a shift to political conservatism.
4. Resulting in a marginalization of subgroups.
5. Who were blamed for the problems in society, as was the liberal penal welfare model.
6. This shift resulted from a desire for security, order and control missing following #2.
7. And led to a combination of `market and moral discipline' with more controls on the poor and fewer on everyone else.

He finds that the current system of mass incarceration does the following:
-Creates systematic social, economic and political exclusion by race (social marginality)
-Develops and supports criminal underclass through criminogenic nature of incarceration and parole/probation rules
-Understates unemployment rate by removing `unemployable' from society.
-Alters norms and values of communities across generations.
-Creates a gulag system of economy, where prisoners are increasingly perform work for government and private business without pay.

That's a very brief summary, I could go into much greater detail, but I'll stop here. This book is now being cited by any serious inquiry into the phenomenon. However, despite its being very well-written, it's a thick read, so I would not recommend it for an undergrad text.

Great catalog of old fashioned goods. 256 pages. Still in business but moved to Georgia.

Bought on a recommendation for board reviews. Its a great book for a practicing otolaryngologist or for a resident wanting an expert opinion. Basically asks a topic expert for opinion on how to handle a large variety of ENT problems (ie; Lipy discusses stapes surgery). But not heavy on facts that will help you with written boards questions. Pretty complete in terms of covered topics, as much as I have read. A little out of date. Overall very good book.

THANK YOU KNUT WALF-WE DO LOVE YOUR SENSE OF HUMOUR KEEP IT UP OR=KIP

This is the second exciting book written by the Swedish Political Scientist Steven Saxonberg. His first publication came out of his PhD Dissertation in Political Science from Uppsala University with the work, The Fall: A comparative Study of the End of Communism in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary and Poland (Harwood/Routledge,2001).This newest publication, The Czech Republic before the new Millennium (East European Monographs/Columbia University Press,2003) is a area studies work that addresses Czech politics directly, but also gives the reader a great wealth of political insight that emerged in Central Europe since the transition and non-transitions from the communist era.

The fruitfulness of this book is that it does not simply remain within a one-dimensional research paradigm, but also includes issues that have risen-up in Czech politics since the previous communist fall , as well as many complex transitions, to more interesting discussions around the charisma of Klaus. The book also brings in another perspective conducting an analysis that also includes issues of gender pluralism and gender representation, gender recognition and the framing of gender/feminist movements for the future. Another significant bonus is that this book was written in ways that also non-academic readers will be able to find and grasp much of the resourceful information. To paraphrase Saxonberg himself "great effort has been made in keeping the chapters simple enough for students and casual readers to understand."

The first two chapters of the book mention Czech Politics and its political transitions and non-transitions from communism. There are brief discussions that take on the historical past from 1918 to 1989, as well as contemporary times. In addition, Saxonberg examines themes like the Interim Government (following the Velvet Revolution), data from the 1990 and 1992 Czech Elections, Privatization policies, and the rise of the Czech Social Democrats. The reader at first may feel like being overwhelmed with too many themes, but these begin to sink in with deeper arguments and criticism made towards the end of chapter two. Saxonberg also makes another interesting discovery and possible rationale why Czech's are generally more pessimistic than other Eastern European Citizens. This goes back to the nature of the communist past in which "personal animosities ... intensified by the strong divide between intellectuals and technocrats, which also has its roots in the Communist legacy. The Czech Republic has a long history of political dissidence ... (because) dissidents remained basically isolated from society until 1989."(p.62)

To make things more interesting, Saxonberg also highlights some of the social problems that are becoming visible in the Czech Republic and elsewhere. These problems return back to acts of discrimination against women. While the Czech state apparatus has successfully modernized its economy, it has not yet been able to offer women the same protection and work opportunities as men. This has to do with the stronghold and reliance of male-breadwinner model. Saxonberg claims that women still "face discrimination both at home and at the workplace "(p. 64) To be sure, Saxonberg is making a worthy point, however, he does not take into consideration that the Czech feminist movement has not yet been able to match feminist movements in Sweden, Norway and Finland. However, I also believe that with much effort this will become a possibility in years to come.

This book would have been much more exciting if it had also further elaborated on the transitions and non-transitions of feminist ideas from a comparative perspective. However, this again also might have been difficult since such material appears to be lacking. One argument that can be made with this regard is that feminist aims and approaches are good and great if such organizations actually exist in that country. Such movements might still be within the mist of "transition" which is understandable, but it lacks a presence in the public sphere. The problem is that there is no Feminist International. Sure, there are plenty of websites and other documents out there, but it still lacks an organization and structure.

Until then, one could try and export feminist ideas from strong-feminist countries (like Scandinavia) and than transplant these beacons of hope into countries that desperately need such policies implemented. This then could take a transnational form and over-extend and in some ways critique the political establishment and (current) empowered national apparatus in Eastern European Countries. However, this is strongly theoretical and may not be as feasible when applying it to the practical.

Saxonberg continues to make the book interesting and insightful when he devotes two chapters on Klaus and his influence on Czech politics. By adding approaches from social-psychology and sociological theory, the reader is able to follow the authors argumentation in a systematic fashion. In the beginning, of this chapter the author paraphrases the German sociologist and appears to reject his hypothesis on charismatic domination rather abruptly, by saying "Weber ... did not offer any hypothesis about the conditions under which charismatic leaders attain power." (p.72) Thus, he rejects Weberian Charismatic theory and replaces it by a theorist named Tucker who focused on a charismatic study of STALIN.

Alternatively, I would reject the notion that Weber does not provide any hypothesis under which charismatic leaders achieve power. Max Weber writes a lengthy chapters on "Charisma and its Transformation" in his book, Economy and Society Vol. 1 (Weber 1978:1111-1156) .While it is true that Weber sometimes remains within the religious and mystifying terms, he also takes perspectives ranging from , "Charismatic Legitimation" , "Charismatic Acclamation", and even "Charismatic Education" (Weber 1978).

To be fair, some of Weber's visions may not be compatible to contemporary times and than it does become necessary to include other possible theoretical explanations that explain the change and modern attainment of charisma. Still, Saxonberg does a great job in making the linkage between Klaus and his charismatic appeal in Czech politics. This was very elegantly proven with the utilization of charismatic traits by Klaus , like the exceptional usage of rhetorical skills . (p.86)

The chapters on "Gendering Czech Family Policy" and "Gender and Parliamentary Representation" are the best two chapters in the book. The major argument being made in these chapters is that under the transition from communism the issue of female representation, as well as, female-friendly social policy has worsened. Issues pertaining to women and many of the preventive factors like the "Communist Legacy" appear to limit in which ways contemporary feminists are able to come to power in Eastern Europe. Simple things, like even the word "feminism" are commonly associated with the communist past and framed by ruling conservatives as a evil and dirty word. In particular, the ideological trends seen in many Eastern European countries confirm the notion that they are anti-feminists, and politicians continue to carry out social policy that does not benefit women and the feminist strive for gender equality.

Saxonberg makes a great argument towards the end of the chapter when he suggests that the "obstacle to equal female representation seems more likely to be found in the internal nominating processes of the parties". (p.177) I would agree with this argument, but would suggest the need for additional outside-parliamentary Feminist forces (civil society, universities, clubs, etc.) to break this iron law of male dominance and in some fashion overpower political parties (even strong social democratic parties) to select more women in their governments and political ranks. A good place for feminists to start in Eastern Europe would be to first take over the Universities than moving from one public institution to another. This process will help to build the feminist cause and engage more people into the public sphere. Eastern European feminists may want to take a closer look how their counterparts are coming to power in Nordic countries and simply duplicate what has worked and transplant this idea at home.

Saxonberg further elaborates this theme in the chapter on "the makings of a woman's movement". Here the author suggests that what may need to occur is for feminists to frame their messages in a manner that can resonate and circumvent the establishment. Saxonberg writes a good portion on frame analysis and framing metaphors which could become useful fur feminists to use in Eastern Europe. This more or less has to do with the "Harmonious Past" that simply associates current feminist acts and political causes with the previous communist regime. Saxonberg suggests that feminists therefore must frame a more radical form of "maternal feminism" in which male values are constantly challenged and not taken for granted. Another possible avenue was the framing of "gender pluralism". This would take the form of challenging traditional division of labor and requiring both to contribute equally to the distribution of household work.

In, addition, Saxonberg also gives suggestions in overstepping the "Harmonious Past" and "Communist Legacy". To put it simply, many feminists must be careful in the words they choose to communicate within the population, especially, words that can be traced to a quasi-left newspeak (my words). To this end, Saxonberg makes a valuable point:
"Since women's organizations are still rather weak in the Czech Republic, it is understandable that they concentrate on `safer issues, such as fighting against violence towards women and pressuring the government to fulfill UN and EU obligations...In addition, problems such as the trafficking of women are especially acute in post-Communist societies." ( p.244)

This is the last chapter in the book and then is followed with a very fruitful conclusion. In short, I would say that Saxonberg did a great job in structuring the chapters in a fluid way. It appears that much research was undertaken with many of the themes, as they are richly detailed with valuable evidence. Thus, the empirical evidence sinks in very easily and seems to accurately support many of arguments being made in the book.

Nevertheless, the title of the book is somewhat out of touch with most of the actual themes being represented in the book. It might have been labeled "The new millennium is Feminist" and offer more discussion on the subject of gender and globalization. This surely could have done more justice to the book. Overall, though, Saxonberg deserves much credit and applause for seeking to push the boundaries on women and feminist based-research. Saxonberg recognizes that feminism will take center-stage in the years to come and not much has been written about such a topic in the academic world around Central and Eastern Europe. Thus, after spending numerous weeks thoroughly reading this book, I would encourage anyone to read it and get a better understanding of the complex issues facing that corner of the world. This book would be valuable to inspiring feminist and non-feminist political scientists, sociologists, and historians interested in Eastern European politics.

Notes:
Weber, Max (1978) Economy and Society Vol 1. Berkley/London: University of California Press,1978.

Comments or Feedback can be directed to me at:
Michael Buhl
Criticalthinker68@yahoo.com

If you are a politics student, a businessman or a journalist interested in the Czech and Slovak Republics, read this book. In under 200 pages, Robin Shepherd has successfully drawn out almost all the key themes of the last decade of post-communist transition. The book is divided into eight self-standing chapters each dealing with a different theme, but the value of the whole is greater than the sum of its parts in that it provides a coherent and comprehensive analytical framework for understanding the recent history of the two countries. Straight-forward histories of the post-revolution period too often fail to provide a broader context, thereby leaving many a journalist or analyst surprised or alarmed by subsequent events. How many predicted that Czechs and Slovaks would part ways in 1993 or that the Czech economy would sink into recession in the late 1990s for example. Shepherd, by eschewing chronology for analysis has produced a classic political textbook of the period, that is readable, rigorous and bristling with ideas.

He also doesn't pull his punches. Vaclav Klaus, Czech Prime Minister for much of the last decade is rightly lambasted for launching and then derailing free-market reforms. Shepherd argues that Klaus failed to understand the difference between "possession" which involves the mere physical control of assets and "property" which also involves enforceable legal title. By contrast, that distinction goes to the heart of much of the later writings of the Czech President, Vaclav Havel. Havel is presented not simply in the light of his anti-communist disent but as one of the most penetrating critics of post-communist society too. His 1997 speech attacking the Czech government for mishandling economic reform revealed that the President (supposedly ignorant of economics) had a better understanding of the economy than the trained economist Klaus. Havel's favourite theme of building a civil society is shown to be a crucial part of the proper functioning of free-market capitalism by providing the foundations of trust and transparency in public institutions.

Shepherd demonstrates a voracious appetite for digesting complex issues while remaining aware of their subtleties. He argues, for example, that the expulsion of 3 million Germans from Czechoslovakia after World War II might have left the Czechs psychologically and morally ill-equipped to resist the subsequent propaganda of Communism. He highlights how the politics of personality --- Klaus in Prague and Meciar in Bratislava --- has stunted the development of healthy party political systems. And he warns that endemic corruption is particularly dangerous in emerging democracies because ordinary voters may be tempted to see salvation in a charismatic, strongman leader. To what extent such sentiments kept Meciar in power in Slovakia is unclear. Shepherd adds later that the Slovak premier's authoritarian style was also the consequence of his experience of repeated betrayal by former political allies. He might also have noted that crony-style-thug rule is still the norm in the more eastern parts of Europe, which has to do with more than just psychological dysfunction. Fortunateley, the vast majority of Slovaks uniting to force out Meciar in 1998 has, in the process, created a stronger appreciation of democracy.

Despite the Meciar period, the author is sympathetic to Slovak independence. He rejects the notion that the split was the result of "irrational fantasies" of extremists but more fairly as the consequence of the different speeds of economic development coupled with an unworkable communist-era federal constitution. At the same time he buries the arguments of many Slovak apologists for the wartime Nazi-puppet state: Either the war-time government was forced by Germany to deport its Jews to deathcamps, in which case Slovakia could hardly have been deemed independent or it did so willingly thereby morally damning itself.

There is one shortcoming in the book. Though Shepherd does document the failure of Czech and Slovak industry to restructure resulting in its subsequent demise, he hardly mentions what is increasingly taking its place and staving off economic collapse ---foreign direct investment. Subsidiaries of western multinational companies now account for most of both countries' exports and economic growth. It's an aspect of globalisation that may, one day, exact a high political price. This ommission does not, however, diminsh Shepherd's acheivement. There has been so much about the two countries that cries out for explanation. This book has, masterfully, provided just that.

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